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the end of an era 


llie author has written forty seven books— social novels, historical plays 
and autobiographical works m Gujaratt 

The following are his works in English 

1 Gujarat and Its Literature 

2 I Follow The Mahatma 

3 Early Aryans in Gujarat 

4 Akhand Hindustan 

5 The CHANOtNO Shape of Inman Poltdcs 

6 The Aryans of The West Coast 

7 The Imperial Gurjaras (History of Gujarat) 

8 Bhaoavao Gita— An Approach 

9 Bhaoavao Gita and Modern Lire 

10 The Ruin That Britain Wroociit 

11 The Creative Art of Life 

12 Gandhi, The Master 

13 Linguistic Provinces AND The Future OF DovniAY 

14 SoMNATH, The Shrine Eternal. 

15 Sparks from The Anvil (A Collection of Pen Portraits) 

1 6 Our Greatest Need and Other Addresses 

17 Janu's Death and Other Kulapati’s Letters Volume 1 

1 8 Oty of Paradise and Other Kulapati s Letters Volume 1 1 

19 Wolf Boy and Other Kulapati s Letters Volume 111 

20 To Badrwath 

Saga of Indian Sculpture 



















All R^kta Reserred 

First Edition'. November 19S7 

Price Rs. 17*50 


-xrjisioN Liarjinr 





Preface . _ - ^ 

Introduction - . . 

I My Arrival In Hyderabad 

II His Exalted Highness 

Ilf Towards A Muslim State 
fV Bm For Independence 
V The Rise Of Kasim Razvi - 


VI Sardar’s Chess Board 

VII The Chhatari Delegation 

VIII Razvi Wins . . - . 

IX The Laik Ali Ministry - 

X The Situation As I Found It 

XI Negotiation : First Stage 

XII The Communists On The Move - 
Xin Breaking The Ring Fence 
XIV The Gre.\t Martyrdom - 
XV Tempo Or The Razakars • 

XVI My Lite At Bolarum 
XVH Persona Non-Grata 

X\'in BmvTEN The Devil - 

XIX And The Dtep Sea - 


















- HO 

- 127 



XX The Mystery Speech Of Razvi ■ - - 139 

XXI Monckton’s Formula Ano Its Fate - - 146 

XXII Panditji Speaks ^51 

XXIII Campbell-Johnson Pays A Visit • • 157 

XXIV More Concessions - - - ■ * 165 

XXV Lord Mountbatten Leaves India - - 173 

XXVI Demoralisation 181 

XXVII Crisis In The King Kothi • - - 188 

XXVin Demoralisatov In Our Camp • - - 195 

XXIX As The Net Closes - - - - 203 

XXX The Sten-Gun Incident - • • - 217 

XXXI The Collapse 225 

XXXII How The Country Took It - - - 235 

XXXIII The End Of The Adventure - - . 243 

XXXIV Strange Casualties - - - - 247 

XXXV Epilogue— The End Of An Era - - - 254 

Appendices - 263 

Index 283 



Sardar Vallabhbhai Patsl 

Between pages 32 and 33 

1 . Lord Mountbatten 

2. Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru 

Between pages 64 and 65 

3. The Nizam 

4. Mir Laik Au 

Between pages 96 and 97 

5. The Author’s Arrival At Hakimpeth Airport on 

January 5, 1948 

6. The Author and His Staff in TIie Lawns of 

Dakshina Sadan 

7. Flag Salutation At Bolarum Residency 

8. The Author Speaking at The Citizens Reception 

In His Honour At Secunderabad Race Course, 
SWAMi Ramananda TIrtha Presiding 

Between pages 160 and 161 

9. Nawab Moin Nawaz Junc, The Aitthor and Mir 

Laik Ali At a Garden Party 

10. Sri N. T, Raju, Sri Pinole Venkatrama Reddi, 

Mir Laik Ali, The Author, Nawab Moin 
Nawaz Jung, Nawab Ali Yavar Jung, 
Nawab Deen Yar Jung and Sri J. V. Joshi 

11. Kasim Razvi 

Between pages 24S and 246 

\2. MaioYx-General Chaudmury, The Author and 
SwAMi Ramananda Tirtha 

13. The Author Being Carried From The Aeroplane 
ON A Stretcher At Santa Cruz Airport On 
September 22, 1948 


Chapter Page 

XX The Mysterv Speech Of Razvt - * - 139 

XXI Monckton’s Formula And Its Fate * - 146 

XXII pANDiTJi Speaks • - - * - 151 

XXIII Campbell- Johnson Pays A Visrr - • 157 

XXIV More Concessions 165 

XXV Lord Mountbatten Leaves India • - 173 

XXVI Demoralisation - - - - - 181 

XXVII Crisis In The King Kothi • - - 188 

XXVIII Demoralisation In Our Camp • • - 195 

XXIX As The Net Closes - - - - 203 

XXX The Sten-Gun Incident . - - - 217 

XXXI The Collapse 225 

XXXII How The Country Took It - « - 235 

XXXni The End Of The Ad\enture - - - 243 

XXXIV Strange Casualties - ■ - - 247 

XXXV Epilogue— The End Of An Era • - - 254 

Appendices ------ 263 





Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel 

Between pages 32 and 33 

1 . Lord Mountbatten 

2. Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru 

Between pages 64 and 65 

3. The Nizam 

4. Mir Laik Au 

Between pages 96 and 97 

5. The Author’s Arrival At Hakd/peth Airport on 

January 5, 1948 

6. The Author and His Staff in The Lawns of 

Dakshina Sadan 

I. Flao Salutation At Bolarum REsmENcy 

8. The Author Speaking at The Citizens Reception 

In His Honour At Secunderabad Race Course, 
SWAMI Ramananda Tirtha Presidino 

Between pages 160 and 161 

9. Nawab Moin Nawaz Jung, The Author and Mm 

Laik Ali At a Garden Party 

10. Sri N. T. Raju, Seu Pingle Venkatrama Reddi, 

Mir Laik Ali, The Author, Nawab Moin 
Nawaz Jung, Nawab Ali Yavar Jung, 
Nawab Deen Yar Jung and Sri J. V. Joshi 

II. Kasim Razvi 

Between pages 245 and 246 


SwAMi Ramananda Tirtha 

13. The Author Being Carried From The Aeroplane 
ON A Stretcher At Santa Cruz Airport On 
September 22, 1948 


T his work deals with my experiences between January 5 
and September 21, 3948, when I was the Agent-General 
of the Government of India in Hyderabad. 

I am in the habit of preserving correspondence, papers, 
notes and what I call ‘diary note', that is, irregularly and 
hastily recorded impressions of talks, incidents and reflections 
on events as they occur. I felt that this material, together 
with further impressions of the events which have been left 
on my mind, deserves to be put into shape. Almost all impor- 
tant documents and reports of the happenings relating to the 
negotiations with the Nizam of Hyderabad in 1947-48 and the 
Police Action, which followed in September 1948, have been 
published from time to time. The Government of India and the 
Nizam’s Government published White Papers in 1948. In addi- 
tion, documents, press notes, speeches and interviews connect- 
ed with most of the incidents appeared in the press at 
the time. Several notable persons connected with the affair 
have since recorded their impressions in works already 
published. Sri V. P, Menon, in his recently published book 
The Story of the Integration of the Indian States, has drawn 
largely upon sources, some of which I have also used. I have 
thus ^en able to recall my own experiences with some degree 
of vividness. 

In places the narrative may appear egotistic. If so, I beg 
to be excused. I can define the reasons for this in no better 
language than that used by Somerset Maugham in The Partial 

I must write os though I were a person of importance, and 
Indeed I am— to myself. To myself I am the most important 
person in the world; though I do not forget that, not even taking 
into consideration so grand a conception as the Absolute, but 
from the standpoint of conunonsense, 1 am of no consequence 
whatever. It i^’ould have made small difference to the universe 
if I had never existed. Though I may seem to write as though 
significance must necessarily be attached to certain of ray works, 

I mean only that they are of moment to me for the purpose of 
any discussion during which I maj* have occasion to mention 

In recreating the incidents of this tumultuous year, I had 
cometimes to rely upon oral reports which were not recorded 


until a few days afterwards It is possible, therefore, that 
these reports were not entirely accurate, although most of 
them had been verified at the time m so far as it was possible 
to do so But, if in relying upon them I have done mjustlce 
to any of the persons mentioned, I heg to be forgiven, I have 
referred to them only when It has been necessary to recall my 
personal impressions and the way I reacted to them 

Mission With ilountbatten by Mr Campbell-Johnson pre 
sents the picture as seen by the staff of Lord Mountbatten 
The Story of the Integration of the Indian States by Sri V. P 
Menon closely follows the records of the States Ministry, 
which up to June 1948 meant the pohcy which Lord Mount- 
batten pursued towards Hyderabad 

The scope of this work is however different It tries to pre- 
sent a connected account of what exactly happened in Hydera- 
bad during that fateful year which followed Indian Indepen- 
dence This narrative of events, I hope, will give the other 
side of the picture, the picture of what the people of Hyderabad 
were passing through, of how Sardar Patel viewed and dealt 
with the situation, of how the actions of the Go\emment of 
India became an imperative necessity This narrative, seen 
and recorded by one on the spot might also be source material 
for the future 

I am indebted to a number of friends who have been good 
enough to look through the portions of the book relating to 
them to see that in so far as their impressions went, my narra 
live is accurate Other friends have gone through this book 
and made valuable suggestions, I am deeply grateful to them 

India was a Dominion’ up to January 26, 1950, only 
thereafter it became the ‘Union’ But throughout this book 
I have used the word ’Union’ for ‘Dominion’ as this was 
the term commonly used m correspondence and in my discus- 
sions with those represenUng the Hyderabad Government 

Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan, 


j\ouem6cT 4, 1957 




T he Mountbatten Plan envisaging the Partition of India 
and the relinquishment of the British power on August 15, 
1947, was announced on June 3rd of that year. 

On July the 2nd, Lord Mountbatten convened two confer- 
ences, one of Gandhiji and his advisers, the other of Mr. Jinnah 
and his. The object of the conferences was to get these two 
groups, which would not ordinarily meet together, to settle 
the draft of the Indian Independence Bill that was intended 
to convert India and Pakistan into self-governing Dominions. 

The Indian side was represented by Mahatma Gandhi, 
Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel, Achaiya 
J, B. Kripalani, then the President of the Congress, and Dr. 
Rajendra Prasad, the President of the Constituent Assembly. 
Sir Gopalaswami Ayyangar, Sir B. N, Rau, Sir Alladi Krishna- 
swamy Iyer and myself, ail of whom had been working at the 
pre-session problems of the Constituent Assembly, were called 
in to help the Conference on legal and constitutional issues. 

We sat in what is at the present time the Cabinet Room 
in the Rashtrapati Bhavan; the picturesque panels of the world 
map painted on its walls never let us forget that whatever we 
did had to be judged in the world context. Mr. Jinnah and 
his advisers sat in an adjoining room. Lord Mountbatten, 
spruce and smiling as ever, flitted from one room to the other, 
answering questions, conveying the reactions of one confer- 
ence to the other, explaining the British point of view and 
meeting our leaders’ point of view with disarming frankness. 

Gopalaswami and I were old friends, and we had been 
closely connected with the preliminary work of the pro- 
posed Cbnstituent Assembly since September, 1P4S. -AMadi 
Krishnaswamy, perhaps the ablest lawyer in India, came to 
be associated with us a few months later. We formed the 
little group which handled what might be termed the back- 
room problems. Sir B. N. Rau, the constitutional adviser to 
the President of the Constituent Assembly, contributed his vast 
knowledge and detached wisdom to every issue that arose.- 


When the draft Independence Bill was put bef^e us, 
were shocked to find that when it was passed by the Britisn 
Parliament the five hundred and odd Indian States 'vou 
automaticaUy be afloat on the unchartered seas of chaos l^e 
so many derelict ships The British Crown argued the 
Britisher had acquired Paramountty over the States through 
histoncal causes that is by war and diplomacy Now tha 
freedom was to be granted to India the Indian Princes mus 
be delivered from their obligations to the British Crown 
The liege lord in honour bound was setting his bondsmen free 
that the overlordship had scarcely been acquired m honour 
seemed not to matter 

Of the many difficulties which the new Indian Dominion 
had to face none we thought was more disheartening more 
dangerous than this balkanising fiat 

Now that the States are integrated and the political allow 
ances of the Prmces styled pnvy purses hang on one precan 
ous Article of the Constitution Art 291 few realise what a 
terrific menace their ambitions constituted at the time 

A Chancellor of the Chamber of Pnnces once remarked 
that an aeroplane flying from Pamir to Ceylon or from the 
Arabian Sea to Nepal would pass almost entirely over the 
territory of the Indian States Taken as a whole the area of 
Indian India as it was called was m round figures 5 00 000 
square miles 

The Indian States with their total subservience formed 
the mam arch of the British power In our country Of this 
arch Lord Wellesley was the first architect Lord Canning 
After the great National Revolt of 
857 when the Queen of England assumed the role of the 
Empress of India it was Canning who first clearly drew the 
^ native Governments proved breakwaters 
t the storm which would otherwise have swept over us in one 
great wave ’ 

States petrified under 
taimns forelfm important part in main 

and devices w India With ever changing doctnnes 

provided thp ^^*^€nce and sovereignty they 

SSsi? ^eainst the rism? «de of 

P™Sf®ss in British India was passed 



At the time there were 118 States in the country entitled to 
salutes varying from 21 to 9 guns, and 441 States without that 
privilege. The ‘salute’ States ranged from Hyderabad, with 
an area of 82,689 square miles, to Sachin, with only 49 square 
miles. Of the 441 minor “saluteless’ States, 231 were in the 
province of Bombay and as many as 189 in North Gujarat and 
Saurashtra, then called Kathiawad. The Ceaitrai Provinces, 
Central India, Bihar and Orissa claimed the remaining 121. 

Apart from these States, there were numerous ‘estates’. 
In Western India alone there were 7,798 of them, the revenue 
of some of which did not exceed fifteen rupees per year. 
Subservient to the British, they kept their people isolated from 
the rest of India. 

The States of Baroda, Gwalior, Hyderabad, Kashmir, 
Mysore and Sikkim were in direct relation with the Govern- 
ment of India through Residents. The Resident at Baroda 
was also the Political Agent for Gujarat States. The Resident 
at Gwalior looked after Rampur and Banaras and the Resident 
at Mysore, after Banganapalle and Sandur. 

The Agencies were: Assam States; Baluchistan States; 
Central India States (which included Bhopal); Eastern States 
(including Bengal States Agency, ChatUsgarh States Agency 
and Orissa States Agen^r); Kolhapur and Deccan States; 
Madras States; North-West Frontier States; Punjab States; 
Rajputana States; and Western India States. 

Thrcjugh these Agencies, the Viceroy, as the Crown Repre- 
sentative, held unquestioned sway over all the States by virtue 
of the doctrine of Paramountcy. According to a theoiy consi- 
dered sacrosanct by the British political officers and the Indian 
Princes, once Paramountcy was given up, the States would 
have no constitutional and legal homogeneity with the rest of 
India. They were all sovereign States. 

This legalistic theoiy of a residuary sovereignty vested in 
each Indian Prince, some of whom made in a year an income 
scarcely equal to the monthly wages of a qualified factory 
foreman in Bombay, was a pure myth. 

Most of the States owed both their existence and continu- 
ance to British policies. Only 18 of the States and estates 
were in existence in the middle of the seventeenth century. 
Of those only a few were ruled by families which could look 
back to kingly lineage. The premier family, besides that of 
Travancore, was that of the Guhilaputras or Ghelots, to which 



the rulers of Partapgarh, Vansvada, and Dungarpur belonged 
Its main branch, the Siscxiia, nileti over Udaipur. 

The Guhilaputras could trace their descent back to Bappa 
Rawal, who had carved out for himself the pnncipality of 
Mewad after the dissolution of the Gupta Empire m the sixth 
century To the brave Guhilaputras, again, must go the credit 
for having fought for the freedom of the land for several cen- 
turies To the heroic scion of the family, Rana Pratap, belong- 
ed the supreme honour of defying foreign rule with un- 
yielding tenacity and leaving a vital tradition of mdependence 
to modern India 

The founders of the houses of Jaipur, Jodhpur, Jaisalmer, 
Sirohi Bundi, Karauli Alwar, Bikaner, Kotah, Jhalawar, 
Rewa Kaccha and Soonlh. acquired their principalities m the 
ninth and tenth centunes as the feudatories or generals of the 
Imperial Gurjaras of the Pratihara clan, who ruled from 
Kanauj as the Afaharajodhtrajas of Aryavarta 

These ruling families uere one with their people To- 
gether they had for centuries resisted the Turk, the Afghan 
and the Mughal, defended their ancestral faith and survived 
In consequence, they had preserved a large measure of inter- 
nal sovereignty even in British tunes 

The founders of other Rajput States were refugees who 
had bravely escaped with their followers from the grasping 
tentacles of the Sultanate of Delhi to found small principal- 
ities in inaccessible tracts Their successors, naturally, ruled 
over communities which possessed only a limited element of 
Rajputs and Brahmanas descended from ancestors who had 
loyally followed the fortunes of the founders Among these 
were the Houses of Orchha, Datia, Samthar and Sikkim 

The only pre-Mughal Muslim State m the India of 1935 
was Kalat Like the old Turkish invaders of India, its rulers 
shared the sovereignty with their sardars 

The only Hindu State founded through military resistance 
to the Mughals was Shivaji’s But the sovereignty, which he 
acquired by great statesmanship and courage was given up 
when his successors got their rule validated by securing a grant 
from the Mughal Emperors This State had been split into 
two parts of which Satara had been merged m the province of 
Bombay many yeare before The sole representative of 
ShivajiB line In 1935 was the Maharaja of Kolhapur 

Most of the remaining Stales came into existence after the 



break-up of the Mughal £mpiro as a result of the British 

, When the Mughal Empire disintegrated, its viceroys be- 
came independent rulers of the provinces which they had 
been deputed to govern. The ruling dynasties so founded dis- 
appeared in the troublous limes which followed; the Nizam of 
Hyderabad alone survived. The descendants of some of the 
governors and jagirdars of the Empire, who also had carved 
out principalities under similar circumstances, ruled over what 
were called the Muslim States of Central India, Gujarat and 
cis-Sutlej. But the dynastic rule of all of them over their Hindu 
subjects would have been wiped out by the Marathas but for the 

Sunilarly, at no time did the Scindias, Holkars and Gaek- 
wads claim, or posssss, any sovereign power. Such quasi- 
Independence as they enjoyed was rendered possible by British 
support. Nor, without it, could they have ruled over vast 
tracts of Rajputana, Central India and Gujarat, whose peoples 
were different from them in language and tradition. 

Mysore, the premier Hindu State of the South, was 
re-formed by the British in 1881; the State of Banaras, in 1911. 

The break-up of the Mughal Empire and the destruction 
by the British of the Sikh kingdom of Lahore, led to the 
foundation of the Punjab Stales, including Bahwalpur and 
Jammu. Gulabslngh, a descendant of the Hindu ruling family 
of Jammu and a feudatory of Ranjitsinh of the Punjab, later 
added Kashmir to his domains. These States, under the British 
protection, had no sovereignty. The trans-Sutlej States also 
enjoyed no sovereign powers before the Punjab was conquered 
by the British. 

The three hundred and twenty odd small States of Gujarat 
and Saurashtra were tiny principalities, ruled by petty chiefs, 
who paid mulkgiri tribute to the Gaekwad of Baroda. How- 
ever, they retained substantial independence only because the 
suzerain could not weld them into a well-organised State. The 
British, n'hen they conquered Western India, relieved the 
chiefs of their liability to pay tribute to the Gaekwad; at the 
same time they took over the administration of their princi- 
palities, purporting to do so on behalf of the rulers themselves! 

The British also perpetuated the feudal system in most of 
these States though some of the feudatories of the larger States 
were granted a measure of autonomy. 



At no tune, therefore, had the Indian Stales, with the 
exception of Travancore, Udaipur, ^iepal, Kolhapur and a 
few Rajput States, enjoyed independence of any sort whatever, 
and, save for Nepal none had it in 1935 

Successive British statesmen continued to prize the 
loyalty of the Princes who ruled over backward populations 
under the control of British Residents or Agents During 
the twentieth century, when British India was astir with 
national aspirations, a new constitutional doctrine was 
evolved by the British in India All the States ivith 
full powers of jutisdicUon were now equal in sovereignty, 
the treaties made by them with the East India Company were 
sacrosanct But where the British interests were affected, the 
undefined word Paramountcy’ overrode all obligations This 
doctrme was avidly accepted by the rulers as their charter 
of independence 

Some tune before 1035 the Standing Committee of the 
Chamber of Princes put forward a new and ambitious doctrine 
It claimed an equal status with the British Crown, for, but for 
such equality the treaties made by iheir predecessors with the 
East India Company were not secure 

This claim to independence when conceded allowed the 
British to play a dual role in India They could assert the 
doctrme of Paramountcy whenever their own interests were 
affected, at the same time they could encourage the Princes to 
assert their sovereignty against the demands of their subjects 
to share power 

In his famous letter to the Nizam of March 2G 1920 
Lord Reading bluntly defined the doctrme of Paramountcy 
‘The sovereignty of the British Crown is supreme in India and, 
therefore no ruler of an Indian State can justifiably claim to 
negotiate with the British Government on an equal footing’ 
Paramountcy was paramount 

In retrospect however it must be admitted that Para- 
mountcy as worked by the Bntish throughout the nineteenth 
century and even in some respects till the transfer of power 
was not without its good altrihutea 

what was called Bntish India separate from Indian India, it 
played undoubtedly a great part m the unification of the 
administrative spheres 
The British whenever possible helped to bridge the yawning 
gulf in the administrative systems between the two Indias It 



may be that this was the outcome of an urge to preserve 
imperial interests; but aU the same twentieth-century India 
was the beneficiary of the working of Paramountcy. Its ex- 
ploitation, which led the Indian Princes to stand politically 
aloof from nationalist India, was another matter. 

India was thus effectively united in administration, though 
politically the divisions were played up. But once the dis- 
ruptive elements were removed, the forces of unification assert- 
ed themselves with remarkable rapidity. It was only because 
of this subtle unifying influence that it was possible to bring 
about federal financial integration along with administrative 
integration in a record period of two years from 1948 to 

On the theory of the feudal relationship between the liege 
and his vassals, the Indian Princes were placed under the 
Governor-General as the Crown Representative by the Govern- 
ment of India Act of 1835. In 1947, as the liege lord was 
departing from India, their long-cherished sovereignty ap- 
peared to the Princes to be lying before them, simply waiting 
to be picked up. 

Many British Conservatives relied upon the pro-British* 
leanings and antl-democralic policies of the Princes to keep 
the States as happy hunting grounds for British enterprise in 
the future. But they all counted without the hold which 
national sentiment had over the people of India as a whole. 



The day-dreams of the Nizam and some of his advisers, 
that Hyderabad was an independent State, had no roots in 
history. At no time had Hyderabad been independent. 

In A.D. 1707, Aurangzeb, the last of the Great Mughals, 
died. His empire, though it presented an imposing facade to 
the world, had already begun to break up. In fact. Shivaji 
had already given it a shattering blow from which it was never 
to recover. 

Chin Qilich Khan, or Asaf Jah as he was called, brother 
of Muhammad Amin Khan, the powerful leader of the Tura- 
nian Party at Delhi, was appointed the Subedar of the Deccan 
in 1713, with the title of ‘Nizam-ul-MuIk* (Regulator of the 
Realm). This was a veiy Important office of the empire, for 


THE end of an era 

the province of the Empire, known as Dakkhm or Dec<»n, then 
extend from Malava in the North to TiruchlrapalU -in the 

South , . ^ 

Before long, the Sayyed brothers, the king-makers, dis- 
appeared from the scene at Delhi The Vazirship of the deca- 
dent Delhi was then offered to Asaf Jah, but he was a wise 
man, he declined the offer and returned to the Deccan 

It was not easy for Nizara 1 to consolidate his possessions 
Ever since 1727, the great Peshwa, Balaji VIshwanath, had 
been extending his military supremacy over many parts of the 
country and both the English and the French were raising 
armies with which to strengthen their trading centres The 
political ^stem of the Empire was ‘one vast fraud and make- 
beheve’, and Asaf Jah, like so many viceroys of the outlying 
provinces of the Empire, saw his opportunity He did not 
renounce his formal allegiance, but, on one pretext or another, 
ceased to remit his annual tribute to Delhi 

In 1748 Asaf Jah died A war of succession between his 
two sons followed Dupleix, the founder of the French power 
in India, found an enlarged field for manoeuvre by giving 
support to the claim of Salabat Jah, one of the two contending 
heirs to the throne of Hyderabad Bussey, the brilliant French 
general, was stationed at Hyderabad to protect Salabat from the 
Marathas In return Dupleix acquired for the French the 
four districts called the Northern Circars, which Razvi made a 
bid to reclaim exactly two hundred years later 

The Nwam's position was very precarious At limes he 
even had to flee to the European settlements for safety But 
he was the Subedar of the Mughal Empire the Imperial writ 
m the Deccan ran in his name, and foreign adventurers 
were anxious to invest their ill gotten gains with the legiti- 
macy of Imperial grants which he alone could issue 

By the Treaty of Pans (1763) which ended the Seven 
Years' War m Europe, France and England acknowledged 
Salabat Jah as the lawful Subedar of the Deccan and agreed 
to exercise a joint suzerainty over him Each of them how- 
ever, was only waiting to douhle-crosa tba qJJIjac 

In 1766 Nizam All Khan, the younger brother of Salabat 
Jah made his peace with the English East India Company and 
secured a promise of protection against the Marathas In the 
west and Haider Ali m the south But Nizam All Khan did 
not remain loyal to his protectors fw long He allied himself 



•with Haider Ali and their ccnnbined forces attacked the British. 
The attack was repelled and by the Treaty of Masulipatam 
(1768) which followed, the British imposed a military protecto- 
rate over the Nizam installing a British Resident at Hyderabad. 

But the Nizam was irrepressible in his inti-igues. Behind 
the back of the Resident he entered into an alliance with the 
Marathas to oust the Britisli. The plan failed. The East India 
Company stationed an officer of the King’s army at the 
Nizam’s court, with orders to pursue a policy of increasing the 
British hold over the Deccan at the cost of Hyderabad and to 
keep the Nizam helpless. 

Between the period when Warren Hastings opened up the 
prospects of British Power in India and when Wellesl^ tried 
to establish British Paramountcy, the conditions in the Nizam’s 
territories were extremely miserable. When Warren Hastings 
left India in 1784 on his voyage home, he foresaw that the 
Nizam, once a nominal officer of the Mughal Emperor, was 
destined to be a satellite, either of the rising power of the 
Marathas or of the East India Company. He described the 
Nizam’s position as follows: 

His dominions are of small extent and scanty revenue; his 
military strength Is represented to be most contemptible; nor 
was he at any period of his life distinguished for personal courage 
or the spirit of enterprise. On the contrary. It seems to hat'e 
been his constant and ruling maxim to foment the incentives of 
war among his neighbours, to profit by their weakness and em- 
barrassments, but to avoid being a party himself In any of their 
contests, and to submit even to humiliating sacrifices rather 
than subject himself to the chances of war.’ 

In 1798, the East India Company emerged the strongest 
military power in India, Wellesley forced the Nizam to get 
rid of the French contingent and agree to a larger British 
force being stationed at Hyderabad; In return, he secured a 
slice of the Nizam’s territory. 

In the same year, the great Tipoo Sultan, Haider All’s 
son, was broken by the British. His well-governed dominions 
were dismembered, and a part of them was presented to the 
Nizam as a reward for his loyalty, or rather for having failed 
to go over to the enemy as was his wont. , 

By the logic of conquest, the East India Company became 
the protector, and therefore the suzerain, of the different king- 
doms which it permitted to exist. In hb despatch of 1789. 

1 Edward Thompson, Jfafcinfl of th« Indian Prineet, p. 1. 

^ the end of ak era 

Wellesley, then Governor General of India sternly reminded 
the Nizam who had declmed to deprive a noble of his 
pension for showing disrespect to the Company, to have ‘a Just 
sense of extensive advantages his connections with the 
English had brought him His enemies had been destroyed at 
hltle expense to himself added the Governor-General, and 
from a weak decaying and despised State, he has recovered 
substantial strength and resumed a respectable posture among 
the Princes of India 

In 1803 more British troops were stationed in Hyderabad 
and other fortresses m Hyderabad State Secunderabad 
became the most formidable military station for maintaining 
peace in south India 

The Nizams protected by the British spent their time in 
intrigue licence and oppression. The plight of the wretched 
people of Hyderabad under them has been described by Sir 
John Malcolm an eye-witness as follows 

The different quotas to bo paid by each Inhabitant 
had been fixed and every species ©f torture was then being 
Inflicted to enforce them Men and women poor and rich were 
suffering promiscuously Some had heavy nuskeu fastened to 
their ears some large stones upon their breasts whlbt others 
had their fingers pinched with hot pincers Their cries of agony 
and declaration of inability to pay appeared only to whet the 
appetite of their tormeniots 

Chandu Lai who had been the principal instrument of the 
Bntish holding the Nizam in tutelage and exploiting the 
kingdom for their benefit died in 1843 Then began an end 
less conflict between the Nizam aided by his courtiers and the 
British Besident acting through the ministers nominated by 

In 1857 when several parts of the country had risen in 
revolt agamst the British, the Muslims m Hyderabad had been 
eager to ]om the Great Kevolt miscalled the Mutiny The 
British Residency was twice attacked and the Resident him 
self was set upon when leaving the darbar of the Nizam For 
three months the future ot India was bound up with Hydera 
bad Had it joined the general movement, Madras Mysore 
and Travancore Cochin would have risen simultaneously But 
Sir Salar Jung a staunch Anglophile saved the situation 

Garrett Rlie and FnlfilTnent of Bntith Rule in Indm 



The British never forgot this lesson. The military contin- 
gent which was stationed at Secunderabad was ever after- 
wards kept ready on the leash. The Resident remained the 
virtual master of the >'tate and, as the Government of India 
put it bluntly to the Nizam later on, ‘the position of the Resi- 
dent as representing the paramount government of India must 
always be one of commanding influence and power', and that 
‘they were expected to seek bis counsel and support on all 
important occasions.’ 

The Resident, In whom all real authority was vested, 
appointed the Chief Minister of the Nizam. Later, he also 
used to appoint and remove ministers, and enforce constitu- 
tional, financial and even administrative reforms. Sir Arthur 
Lothian, in his post mortem examination of British Policy 
in Hyderabad, admits that the Residents had, of necessity, to 
take ‘a more intimate part behind the scenes in assisting the 
proper working of the administration in Hyderabad than in 
any other State,’’ 

To quote Edward Thompson again: 

Hyderabad, which t(>day is recognised as in a class apart 
from the other Indian States, its ruler styled His Exalted High- 
ness and Britain’s Faithful Ally, attained this distinction entirely 
by the fact that It became very early a tutchan kingdom, straw- 
stuffed and held upright by the Company, except for a very brief 
period of forgetfulness, when a whiff of hostility from the 
Mahrattas was allowed to blow it down. Unlike the Mahraltas, 
the State had neither racial nor reJigious cohesion. . . When the 
final war with Tipu began, four months later. Hyderabad 
was not a large State. But, when war ended, its boundaries 
were extended. Hyderabad to-day is as large as France, but no 
State can ever have combined such material Importance with so 
undistinguished a record and so fictitious an Independence, until 
comparatively recently.^ 

During the one hundred and fifty years, which elapsed 
since 1798, Hyderabad became progressively more integrated 
within the political and economic structure of India than any 
of the other States. Its Importance, land-looked as it was by 
the States of Bombay, Madhya Pradesh and Madras, was never 
overlooked, vital as it was as a link in the unity of India. 

In 1930, Sir William Barton, an able Resident of Hyder- 

’ Sir Arthur Lothian, iOngdoB« of 

* Edward Thompson, Mohinj? of the Indian Princea, pp. 13-15. 



abad, submitted a memorandum containing the following 
significant observations 

F\^ms coift’pteWly tbe Indiati penmcula the 

great State of Hjderabad holds a strategic posiUon of the first 
importance both from the pohllcal and military point of view 
In an emergency it could practically isolate the South from tlie 

Though the vanity of the Nizam was tickled by fulsome 
words used m official pronouncements, he was reminded of his 
subservience whenever an occasion arose Lord Keadmg, in 
his famous letter of March 26 1926, addressed to the Nizam 
refused to treat the Indian Princes as equals, whatever the 
language of the treaties According to the Viceroy, responsi- 
bility for the defence and internal security of the country gave 
the Paramount Power the nght to intervene at its discretion 
m the internal affairs of the State 

In fact Hyderabad at no time had relations with any 
foreign country The defence of its frontiers was maintained 
as part of the organic defence structure of Bntish India, the 
Nizam’s Army was no more than an appendix of the Indian 
army The Government of India, under the last of the arrange- 
ments called the Indian Stales Forces Scheme of 1939 in- 
creased decreased, armed and equipped the Nizam s army, 
n Ithout the Government’s consent Hyderabad could not import 
weapons of precision or manufacture ammunition 

The internal peace and tranquillity of the State was also 
the responsibility of the Govenunenl of India The arterial 
communications the railway and airways as also the postal, 
telegraphic and telephonic systems, were all laid through 
Hyderabad and operated upon by the Government of India 
'Tile responsibility thus assumed by the Government of 
India required for Its eflicicnt discharge that the Nizam 'did 
everything to be done and abstained from every course of 
action declared dangerous to the common safety or the safety 
of any other part of India ' 

By the Go^ eniment of India Act. 1035, the political depart- 
ment of the Goiemment of India was entrusted to the 
Gosemor-Gcneral as Crown Representative 

The trade and commerce in Hyderabad in fact its whole 
economy was bound up with that of India The banks in 
Hyderabad were branches of the British Indian banks that 


were scheduled with the Reserve Bank. The State depended 
for its revenues upon its trade with the rest of the country. Its 
foodgrains as well as its manufactured and imported articles 
came from or through the Indian Provinces. Its currency 
kept alive by the British to feed the vanity of the Nizam, was 
linked with the Indian currency at a fixed rate of exchange. 

The people of Hyderabad, 16,000,000 in numbers, were an 
integral part of the great communities of India closely 
connected by social, religious and cultural bonds. 8G% of 
them were Hindus: 12J% Muslims: 1%% Christians and others. 
Of them 7,000,000 sp<^e Telugu: 4,000,000 Marathi and 
2,000,000 Kannada. Urdu was spoken mostly by the ruling 
Muslim group, till a new policy of TJrdu-ising the State was 

It was this Hyderabad which the Nizam hoped to make an 
independent Islamic State. 

To him, it all seemed so simple. 



I T was about December 20, 1947. 

'Munshi! will you go to Hyderabad?’ asked Sardar Vallabh- 
bhai Patel, then India’s Deputy Prime Minister and Minister 
of States. 

We were having tea at the time. I was surprised, even 
a little taken aback. ‘We have to send an Agent to Hyderabad 
under the Standstill Agreement,’ he added. 

I could see that he intended the question to be taken 
seriously. The matter was, of course, important. The previous 
few months had been extremely exciting. The country had not 
yet recovered from the tremendous upheaval which had follow- 
ed the Partition. Millions of refugees were still unsettled; 
many more were still crossing the border; the integration of 
the States was not yet complete; Junagadh had not yet been 
integrated and Kashmir was causing endless anxiety. Hydera- 
bad, as Sardar himself had said, was ‘a cancer in the belly 
of India.’ 

On November 29, after exasperating negotiations, a one 
year’s Standstill Agreement between India and Hyderabad had 
been reached. Sardar, in bis statement to the Constituent 
Assembly on that occasion, had expressed the hope that during 
that period the way would be paved for permanent accession. 
Meanwhile the Nizam of Hyderabad, strengthened by a new 
set of advisers, was determined to maintain for himself the 
status of an independent sovereign which, according to him 
and them, he had acquired when the British left India on 
August 15, 1947. 

Hundreds of families, frightened of the Razakars, a Mus- 
lim communal organisation with terroristic tendencies, had 
Sought refuge in the surrounding Indian provinces. The 
country felt that by entering into the Standstill Agreement the 
Government of India had lost its grip over Hyderabad affairs. 

Gandhiji was unhappy about both men and events and 
New Delhi was a vast whispering-gallery, in which even the 
wildest rumours were readily believed. 

I had been closely associated with the indomitable Sardar 


Since the days of the Bardoli Satyagraha of 1928 He had then 
given a formidable power to Gandhiji s Cwil disobedience ana 
shaken to its foundation the prestige which it had taken the 
Bntish over a hundred years to build As an independent 
member of the Bombay LegislaUve Council at the time I had 
been to Bardoli to see things for myself What I saw there was 
the triumph of the Gandhian technique under Sardar’s 
leadership I was also able to observe in action the superb gifts 
with which Sardar was endowed and which have since 
changed the face of India and the cout^ of her history Not 
only had he strength and courage, but also the ability to organise 
and inspire He had also rare insight into the realities of the 
situation and genius for getting others to do things in his way 
Since that time we had been drawn to each other by mutual 
affection He was the mam source of my strength in 1937, 
when I was the Home Mmister of Bombay We were together 
in the Yeravada Jail in 1940 41, and when my health broke 
down there he looked after me with almost maternal care 
Instmctively, we had grown to understand each other 

To work under Sardar had been always a privilege and 
pleasure for above all he was a wise and generous chief He 
cheerfully suffered the shortcomings of his friends and was 
loyal to them m their difficulties and failures Those who cross- 
ed him m any way, however, could look for help to Heaven 

A close understanding had grown up between us so when 
he talked of Hyderabad, I immediately knew that he really 
wanted me to go I did a little quick thinking for I was in no 
mood to take up the proposed assignment The thought of 
tearing myself away from the Constituent Assembly, which 
occupied the whole of my time was distressing However Sar- 
dar wanted me to go and perhaps my duty lay m Hyderabad 
T must first consult Bapu (Gandhiji),’ I said 'And if 
I go, It will be as a m«nber of the Constituent Assembly I 
will accept no salary ' 

‘Yes consult Bapu,' he agreed 

I met Mahatma Gandhi that very evening He knew my 
weaknesses well and that one of them was an inability to fol 
low any man blindly 

‘Bapu,’ I used to tell hun when I was reluctant to accept 
his advice you have a sotyo (truth)~it may be a big one, 


I also have a satya, perhaps a small one. But let me follow 
it.’ And, in his greatness, he never grudged me that liberty. 

When I told him of Sardar’s proposal, Gandhiji not 
only approved of It, but did not allow me the option of refu- 
sal. He also approved of my decision not to take any salary. 

‘It is not merely a commission,’ he said, ‘it is your 

‘But,’ I protested, ’the job is difficult.’ 

‘I know,’ he said. ‘The job is difficult. But you will 
not fail. If such as you hesitate to undertake this work, how 
are we to make any progress?’ 

Bapu’s confidence in me was always a source of strength. 
Yet an indefinable something seemed to pull me back as I 
thought of the magnitude and complexity of the Hyderabad 

Bapu read my mind. ‘Of course, the Razvi group will not 
like you.’ 

‘Of that I am sure,’ I replied. 

But that, he thought, should make no difference to my 

It seemed that an exciting future lay in front of me on 
the banks of the Musi, where the Nizam was playing for high 
stakes and destiny was indulging in strange tricks. 

But the next day, when I left for Bombay, I had not 
reached a decision. 

The following day, when the telephone rang, the Sardar’s 
voice came from Delhi. 'When are you going to Hyderabad?' 

‘I only came here yesterday’, I explained, ‘and I am still 
rather undecided.’ 

‘But you must go to Hyderabad without delay,’ he said. 
‘Why not come to Delhi tomorrow morning and settle every- 

Sardar had a way of saying things which made hesita- 
tion look completely out of order. His talk, particularly on the 
telephone, was limited to a few purposeful words. 

The next day I arrived in Delhi and went to the Sardar 
straight from the airport. 'Have you finally decided?’ I 

‘What is there to decide!’ was his retort. 'You are to 
go to Hyderabad as soon sis possible. Menon will see you and 
fix up everything.’ 

the end of an era 

‘Are you sure the Nizam will accept me’’ I asked It 
will be awkward if. after you have appomted me, you are od- 

hged to cancel the appointment ’ " 

I knew that my presence m Hyderabad as India s Agent- 

General was not going to be hailed with joy ^ f 

Ten years earlier, when 1 was Home Minister of 
Bombay, I had declined to oblige the Nizam by taking action 
against the Aiya Samajists who were Imltlng at Sholapui on 
their way to Hyderabad to offer Satyagraha It was no part 
of my duty to support the Nizam against the long suffering 
Hmdus of his State in their struggle to secure their religious 
freedom Again, m 1942, 1 had left the Congress to carry on a 
vigorous campaign for Akhand Hindustan — ^Undivided India — ■ 
against the disruptive tactics of the Muslim League My old 
fnend Jinnah had then been funous with me, a fact of which 
the Nizam’s Government was not likely to be ignorant 

Sardar, however, was firm When he said a thing, 
he meant it, once he was committed to a step nothing could 
stop him from taking it 

Sure enough the Nizam did not relish my appointment 
when It was announced on December 25 He suggested to 
Lord Mountbatten that the Agent General should confine him- 
self to his specific duties as a trade agent and must not inter- 
fere with other matters The States Ministry declined to ac- 
cept this position, pointing out the relevant clauses of the 
Standstill Agreement The functions of the Agent General of 
India included the safeguarding of External Affairs Defence 
and Communications, the control of which had been vested in 
the Government of India by the Agreement 

The next day at 2 Windsor Place which I was then oc 

cupying as a member o! the ConsUtuent Assembly, Sri V P 
Menon, Secretary to the States Ministry, familiarly referred to 
in New Delhi as ‘V P ’ together with the Additional Secretary, 
Sn C C Desai discussed the details of my appointment with 
me Menon was by far the ablest of the highly placed civil 
servants of the Government of India at the time and was engag- 
ed in vigorously implementing the Sardar’s policy of integrat- 
ing the Indian States He bore (with apologies to Milton) on 

Atlantean Fhoulders 

The weight of mulUtudinous monarchies 


But, as I was to discover later, even V. P. Menon had only 
a hazy idea of where I was to stay and what I was to do in 
Hyderabad. When I asked him where I was to live, he 
answered, ‘Of course at the Bolarum Residency.’ 

■hhere were two Readencies, one in Hyderabad proper 
and the other more than ten miles away at Bolarum, a suburb 
of Secunderabad. 

‘What about my staff?* 

‘We shall be giving you one officer. The others you must 
find for yourself in the Provinces.’ 

‘Any papers?’ 

‘The previous record is being typed and will be forward- 
ed to you in a few days.-* 

On one thing Menon was definite. I had to reach Hydera- 
bad by January 5, 1948. 

Next day 1 called on Lord Mountbalten. This dashing, 
glamorous statesman had an inimitable way of tendering com- 
pliments. He was kind enough to remark that the job was 
one for a front-rank politician and he was glad I had been 
selected. He also gave me a short resume of the previous nego- 
tiations. He said that he did not.think that my mission would 
last for more than three or four months, by which time the 
Nizam would have acceded. ‘Even now,' he said, ‘he is helpless.’ 
Kasim Razvi, the President of the Ittehad-ul-Mussulmeen and 
the leader of its storm-trooper corps, was pledged to maintain 
Muslim supremacy in the Deccan and had over-awed him. 
But Sir W^ter Monckton was still there as the Constitutional 
Adviser of the Nizaih. ‘We are partners in this venture,’ he 
said. ‘Once the Nizam leaves Hyderabad and comes, say, to 
Delhi, he will sign the Instrument of Accession. Then we can 
deal with Razvi.' 

Before I left Lord Mountbalten, he told me of his friend- 
ship with Sir Walter Mcaickton.- It dated, he said, from the 
time when the latter had been the legal adviser to the Prince 
of Wales, now Duke of Windsor, and he himself, the Aide-de- 
Camp. .... 

I knew Sir Walter by the great reputation he enjoyed as 
u lawyer. As' counsel he was* most in demand by the -soli- 
citors of the Bombay High Ck>urt' In appeals to the Privy Coun- 
cil. Some of the cases 1 had conducted in Bombay had been 
admirably handled by him in appeal to the Privy Council. 

The end of an Eha 

Then I called on Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, the Prime 
Minister He gave me an account of the activities of the State 
Congress ‘Hyderabad is sure to accede,’ he said ‘It cannot 
run away from India ’ His optmusra was infectious I too 
felt certain that I would return with an Instrument of Acces- 
sion m my pocket by the end of April 

Before leaving for Bombay I again saw Gandhijl 'I want 
you to promise me that you will exercise your utmost skill in 
order to bring about a settlement,’ he said 

I gave the promise, but asked him how long the negotia- 
tions should continue 'Should they last interminably’’, I 

He laughed He guessed what was passing in my mmd. 
‘Shall we say for three or four months’’ 

‘And if th^ fail, what then’’ 

‘There will be no alternative but to bring things to an 
end (to pachhx puru karej chhutako chhe),' was his cryptic 

He then asked me to take Sudhir Ghosh with me Know- 
I'w U of his loyal adherents, 1 replied, ‘Certainly 

^ My appointment was well received m the country It was 
as a leading daily newspaper of 
S'V* Ministry attaches to the 

fu W ‘h' "«d for constant wetch- 

nortto reputation tn one camp Is not necessarily a pass- 
dTr C Sumf ‘"■"i ”'”" f--- ‘"Stance, 

myrnoointmlT if his m Calcutta about 

" 'mSl DrX~- ■ 

The Nizam is finished • was the reply 
come he^^’^?MmT'' 'Why does this Sfimlmi 
Mussulmeen was funous President of the Ittehad ul- 

gave^^e'Sl fnends m Bombay were jubilant, and 

Sir. them, how- 

shoulder Recalimp ifaw burden that I was about to 

various ap^STis^rnl".^'* I 

congratulations, I want your pi^SS?^ ™ 



Selecting my staff was like the snaring of fugitive birds. 
Ultimately, Chief Minister of Madras 0. P. Ramaswamy 
Reddiar, gave me M. T. Raju of the Indian Civil Service, 
his Director of Industries, now Home Secretary, Andhra. Orissa 
gave me Raghupati, a newly recruited officer of the Indian 
Administrative Service, who had been with the army at Secun- 
derabad and whom 1 knew well. 

1 also met an endl^s succession of people. In Bombay I 
talked to Swami Ramanand Tirth and Melkote, the leaders 
of the Congress organisation of the State. Pingle Venkatarama 
Reddy, the Deputy Prime Minister of the Nizam’s 
Government, an old colleague of mine when I was the Chair- 
man of the Bombay Life Assurance Company, also told me a 
few things. At Madras I met L. N. Gupta, the Finance Secre- 
tary of the State, who knew the situation well. Soon I had 
gathered sufficient information to convince me that I was in 
for a stormy time. 

By the beginning of the year 1948, Sudhir Ghosh and an 
officer of the States Ministry were already in Hyderabad. The 
Nizam’s Government had no intention of providing any accom- 
modation for us. Sudhir, however, shifted to the Hyderabad 
Residency. Trouble started at once. Mir Lalk All, the Prime 
Minister of Hyderabad who had once been a client of mine, 
demanded of Sardar that Sudhir should go out of the Resi- 
dency at once. 

Telegrams were also exchanged between Lord Mountbatten 
and the Nizam. The former wanted that I should be allowed 
to occupy the Bolarum Residency — ^now RasMrapaii Nilayam* 
— until January 15 when I could mo^'e into 'Deccan House’ 
belonging to the Government of India, which was going to be 
vacated by that date by the General Officer Commanding the 
Indian troops stationed at Secunderabad. The Nizam declined 
to allot either the Hyderabad or the Bolarum Residency for my 
use even for a few days. It was against the settlement; it was 
unconstitutional. The Agent-General would be taken as having 
the status of the British Resident He suggested that 1 should 
be Laik Ali’s guest for the eleven days; otherwise, he urged, at 
the very outset ‘our new and happy relations' would be em- 

Endless messages were exchanged on the telephone 
between Delhi, Bom bay and Hyderabad. There was an uproar 
• The South fodla residence of the President of India. 


in Hyderabad How dare India's Agent occupy the Residency? 
Demonstrations followed ‘I will not permit even the wmds of 
the Indian Union to blow towards the State of Hyderabad,’ 
roared Kasim Razvi at one meeting ‘If Munshl occupies the 
Residency, he ^vlIl not onlj be resisted but the bricks of the 
building will be thrown into the river Musi,' he continued 
The meetmg ended with the cry of ‘May Independent Hydera- 
bad live long’’ In the eyes of the Ittehad, the Agent General 
was a foreign enemy 

This discussion was scarcely conducive to enhancmg the 
dignity of the office I held With the consent of Delhi, thcie- 
fore, I instructed my officers in Hyderabad to invite the lead- 
ing citizens of the City to an At Home at the Hyderabad Resi- 
ency on January 5 and Mir Laik Ah and his colleagues to 
a dmner party on the evening of the same day 

La* AU Has m great distress He begged me on the 
t'!??^ by agreeing to be his guest 

en? matter, I said In the 

mi pleased, as a personal fat our 

the^ Boknm Agent-General to occupy 
Janua^ ‘he 5th of 

■S h"* fee those eleven days only 

cel Hie ■P'' “> PP"- 

tioM had ahead \ ° * "PhP‘‘ ‘hat the invita- 

mZlv te Mm J. 1 he cancelled Ulll- 

SiH X’ “ '"ePiUy settlement Both the At Home 

wre"' wtrsrLuh^r" ““ Bo.arum\"i?e„™ 

to the mmsters '"h-eh I was to have given 

come dZefta mei h"”™ Laik Alfs^wel- 

with me I oSt m nCif “"y ‘'“‘P' “ he came 

rank “ P™™"® him, he said, a higher salary and 


next oay, this young man's attitude 


was more than I couid suffer in silence.- ‘I am going to 
Hyderabad, and you are being sent from Delhi, both on duty. 
You can do as you like. Drop out if you want to,’ I shouted. 

Next morning, the young man joined me at the aerodrome. 
Two days later, he was bundled out Luckily, in Raghupati I 
had a loyal and brave man on whom I could rely. But he was 
at that time passing through an emotional crisis of his own 
and had to be dealt with care. 

God alone knew how I was going to piece together these 
ill-assorted men into an organic office. 

On the morning of January 5 we flew to Hyderabad in a 
chartered plane flying the National Flag. A huge crowd, con- 
sisting mostly of Hindus, gave us a hearty welcome at the 
Hakimpeth Aerodrome with tumultuous cries of ’Gandhiji~ki- 
Jai’. The people of Hyderabad had been completely over- 
awed by the Ittehad and had come to feel that the Standstill 
Agreement had thrown them to the wolves. The appointment 
of the Agent-General, however, had some heartening effect. 
In fact, after my appointment had been announced, a large 
number of Hindus, who had fled, returned to Secunderabad. 

There were Indian troops at the airport and I had my 
first experience of taking a salute. I do not remember how I 
responded; may be, I was a little clum^. At the request of 
the officers, I also said a few words paying tribute to our 
soldiers in Kashmir. That speech gave one more provocation 
to the ruling clique and the Ittehad. 

In the Bolarum Residency, I unfurled the National Flag 
by the side of the Nizam's. I then met the guests at the 
At Home. The officials and the pro-Iltehad leaders, however, 
were conspicuous by their absence. 

A Press Conference followed. The representatives of the 
Ittehad Press were insolent and tried to bait me. One of the 
questions which was asked in a veiy offensive tone was T 
hope you are going to address Ala Hazrat as “Your llajosty”.' 
The Ittehad claimed that as the Nizam had become Independ- 
ent, he should be addressed by that title. T will address him 
exactly as my Go^’emment does in its communications,’ I said. 

The dinner party, ori^nally intended to be mine to Lalk 
All but now become Laik All's to me, went off very well. 
Laik AH made a pleasant speech of welcome, f replied by 
saying how happy I tvas to be in their midst and referred to 



a historical novel of mine, the action of which was placed 
m an ancient town near Hyderabad 1 made the reference In 
all innocence, but it was considered an affront I had referred 
to a Hindu kingdom' 

The Nizam, his cabinet and the Ittehad had decided to 
treat Hyderabad as independent by ignoring the arrival of 
India’s Agent General I wondered whether they had really 
succeeded in doing so. 



A s Agent-General of India in Hyderabad, one of my first 
official duties was to call on Kizam VJI, His Exalted 
Highness Mir Osman Ali Khan, the seventh ruler of the 
Asaf Jahi dynasty. 

On January 0, 1948, accompanied by Mir Laik Ali, the 
Prime Minister of Hyderabad, I drove to the King Kothi. The 
Kothi is a collection of several ugly houses which are occupied 
by the Nizam, his extensive harem and his Arab guards, with 
a high wall surrounding them. 

The thought of meeting the Nizam, the world’s richest 
and most extraordinary man, in actual flesh and blood, was 
mildly exciting. 

As we stepped out of the car, 2 saw a thin old man with 
a stoop standing on the verandah. He was wearing a faded 
fez, a moth-eaten muffler, an old and a pyjama which 

had last been pressed when they had first come out of the 
tailor’s shop. It was difficult for me to place this man cor- 
rectly. But Laik All’s very low and respectful bow In the 
appropriate Hyderabad style left no room for doubt. I stood 
in the presence of the Exalted, 

The Nizam greeted me with a conventional and tired 
smile and shook me by the hand. We then stepped into a 
shabby, shapeless room, littered with faded statuettes and 
ornamental vases in auction-room disorder. The atmosphere 
was reminiscent of a bye-gone age; of Dupleix, Bussey, Welles- 
ley and Chandu Lai; a strange world of fossils with which the 
fundamental rights, sovereign republics and economic justice 
in which I was soaked at the time, had nothing whatsoever to 

things, about the founder of the Asaf Jahi dymasty; about my 
novels, of which he seemed to have gather^ some informa- 
tion; of the heavy burden of income-tax In India, of which he 
was anxious to hear. There n’as also a covert enquiry con- 
cerning the Income-tax I was paying. Throughout the Inter- 
view the one topic uppermost In our minds— Indo-Hyderabad 



a historical novel of mine the action of which was placed 
in an ancient town near Hyderabad I made the reference in 
all innocence but it was considered an affront I had referred 
to a Hindu kingdom' 

The Nizam his cabinet and the Ittehad had decided to 
treat Hyderabad as independent by ignoring the arrival of 
India s Agent General I wondered whether they had really 
succeeded m domg so. 



relations — was scrupulously avoided With characteristic 
jerks, the Nizam assailed me with questions, often unconnect- 
ed with one another, and scarcely awaited my answers At 
tunes he slapped his thigh to record his own approval of what 
he happened to say' 

Thus my first visit to him ended It was the last one, too, 
before the house of cards that he had built collapsed on Septem- 
ber the 17th ^ ^ ^ 

The Nizam — ‘the richest man in the world’ — had been ac- 
cepted as a semi mythical figure throughout India and in 
other parts of the world Endless stories about his ways, his 
love of money and his autocratic habits could be heard almost 
an^here In Hyderabad itself there was no dearth of them, 
and many would make most mterestmg reading But I must 
exercise self restraint 

By all reports, the Nizam had two loves, money and 
power But of the two, the first and ever absorbing passion 
money Which I am sure, he spelt with a capital ‘M’. 
SnrZ 1 ' competence as an heir apparent, he 

™ *" “come 

Sl^rntf r' '’“'f f yoar and sundry 

?wmtoTemT == =" “lo-no 

SWe wtachTe r “ >»'8e chunk of the 

State wtach he treated as his private property 

the few ^“'2“ of nazm Among 

the llTt Sem T"** ‘'““notion of records which 
S the ■" Ansna 'W, I found a list 

birthdav Evm * m to the Nizam on his 

a gold sovereign otthgcd to present an asharfi, 

received nazars from birthday, he 

downtoalowpaidofficOT '"'“'“‘cst nobles 

the N2m,'°fny”w '""“y “‘‘“Otive to 

horror He rarely dressed i^e*™! money an unimaginable 
in an old rattlmg tin not clothes, he generally drove 

offers any kind of hospitality torvisuor’’^® model, he never 

Jewellery, estimated^at’a^fahiT’^^*''^, n°'“' Sold, silver and 
Nazar i Bagh of the King '‘''n'® ‘‘“o'"'! m ‘he 

King Kotin m cellars, safes, cupboards. 



even on tables and floors. The floors of the Nazar-i-Bagh could 
not, therefore, be swept 1:^ the servants except under the 
watchful eye of the Exalted. Valuables which lay on the 
ground were covered with white sheets lavishly besprinkled 
with the droppings of the doves and rodents which, like an- 
cient dragons, guarded the treasure. The mice, I was told, 
were very friendly. When the Nizam sat looking at his trea- 
sures and sipping his coffee, the friendly little horrors, un- 
deterred by the august presence, shared the coffee from the 
saucer. The story, if too good to be true, is too amusing to 
be omitted. 

Some years ago, so one of the stories ran, the Nizam had 
the treasures brought out in trucks and kept in front of the 
window of his sitting-room. Thus he had the opportunity of 
gazing at his beloved treasures with loving eyes for hours on 

The Nizam, it was said, had an abundant harem. '' There 
was the principal Begum, the mother of the Princes and Prin- 
cess, who looked after the Nizam. This Begum was an eccen- 
tric lady who lived in a world of her own. A Hindu lady, 
converted to Islam, also lived in the King Kothi, but in 
a separate house. There were scores of other women, too,’ 
each housed in a cubicle of her own. Many interesting stories 
were in circulation about this womanly paradise, but they are 
not relevant to these memories. 

Several other sons and daughters lived with the Nizam 
at the King Kothi, and it was said that he was solicitous 
in the matter of their health. No one dared complain of so 
much as a headache; for, if a complaint was heard, the sufferer’s 
rations would be cut off in order to ensure a speedy recovery. 
Sometimes, said the malicious tongues, the reduced rations 
were not too easily restored. 

The two Princes — ^the Prince of Berar and Muazzam Jah 
— ^had once lived with their father. But there had been a filial 
revolt and Lord WilHngdon, who was then the Governor-Gene- 
ral, had been forced to intervene. Thereafter the Princes 

’ . It may be o£ interest to noOilion the beneficiaries of the Nizam’s family 
from the Family TVxist made after IWS. , From the schedule of the Trust,, it 
appears he has made provision for five minor sons of his favourite wife laila 
Begum; two minor daughters; «ght sons having different mothers; 37 gr^d- 
•duldren; 15 daughters of Kis halted Highness; heir-apparent and his mother; 
heir-apparent’s sister; wife of H. E. H. who is the daughter of Imam Zung; 

3 ladles of position: wives of His Exalted Hi^ness and 45 mistresses or 

relations — ^was scrupulously avoided With characteristic 
jerks, the Nizam assailed me with qutetions, often unconnect- 
ed with one another, and scarcely awaited my answers At 
times he slapped his thigh to record his own approval of what 
he happened to say' 

Thus, my first visit to him ended It was the last one, too, 
before the house of cards that he had built collapsed on Septem- 
ber the 17th 

The Nizam — 'the richest man in the world’ — had been ac- 
cepted as a semi mythical figure throughout India and in 
other parts of the world Endless stones about his ways, his 
love of money and his autocratic habits could be heard almost 
an^here In Hyderabad itself there was no dearth of them, 
and many would make most interestmg reading But I must 
exercise self restraint 

By ^1 reports, the Nizam had two loves, money and 
^wer But of the two, the first and ever-absorbing passion 
StoS sure, he spelt with a capital 'M' 

n™ LL ,‘^'™P«tence as an heir apparent, he 

He had f i money, in spite of his vast Income 

allowance ^ million rupees a year and sundry 

KwLchTi ‘'’= 

State wtach he treated as his private property 

the few Lueri stream of noaars Among 

tte S SZ ' "'S tsstruction of records which 

S the nc,™ a''.™* '''‘^"st, 1947, I found a list 

birthLy Evi^ a I'm Presented to the Nizam on his 
either bv .nvS„„ "sited the Ezalted, 

a gold sovereign or ^ obliged to present an asharfi 

received nazar^ fm™ “eeting him On his birthday, he 
down to a low paid officer wealthiest nobles 

the Niz2n, an^hing wh^?* money was highly attractive to 
horror He rarely dressed '■mmaglnable 

m an old rattling tin noi , be generally drove 

offers any kind of hospitahty to 

lewelleiy cstinfated°lt'rfabuE''"’l “’''s'' ™‘* 

Na,aT,Ba,h of the iL ” 'he 

ee King KotW In cellars, safes, cupboaids, 



Sir William Barton, one of the most powerful of the Resi- 
dents of Hyderabad, in his Memcarandum of February 14, 1926, 
wrote thus: 

Intrigue is in the air at Hyderabad, a vigorous survival from 
Moghul, and still earlier, times. It is with some people almost 
a pastime. Often the methods are clumsy and easily seen 
through. On the other hand, there is frequently a delicacy of 
touch, a finesse worthy of the trained and cultured brain behind 
it, the whole constituting a drama very interesting to ^vatch at 
when it unfolds. 

In this land of intrigues, where mastery of the art was a 
pre-condition of survival, no one was a patch on the Nizam 

The Nizam was a very ambitious man, and his one aim 
was to convert Hyderabad into an Islamic State. Before Mr. 
Jinnah developed his concept of Pakistan, this ambition came 
very near success. The Nizam’s was the more spectacular 
offer, for he succeeded in overawing 86% of his Hindu subjects 
Into impotence. 

At the same time, the Nizam dreamt of the supreme glory 
of becoming the head of the entire Muslim ivorld. This suited 
the world poU(^ of the British. The Nizam, as their ‘Faithful 
Ally’, was good pro-Muslim propaganda in the world. 

When the Ottoman Empire collapsed, the Nizam, as the 
surviving relic of the Moghul Empire, was induced to get his 
sons married to the daughters of the family of the ex-Sultan of 
Turkey. The idea was to mingle the ashes of two dead em- 
pires, so that a fresh prestige might rise out of them. 

, The Nizam was the pathetic victim of these obsessions 
which the British encouraged him to entertain. 

In fact the Nizam was the apex of the antedeluvian political 
structure of Hyderabad. Supplied with a vast, untaxable income 
and surrounded by a host of courtiers of every rank, each 
• intriguing against the other, he maintained a vast number of 
dependants. A network of spies was spread over every walk 
of life. The Muslim officers, who looked to him fof advance- 
ment, were either loyal or servile to him. The Hindu officers, 
though few, were suffered as nuisances and spied upon as 
aliens. The British nominees among the ministerial or official 
ranks, were also spied upon, circumvented and never permitted 
to work freely. If the Resident’s support ivas withdrawn from 
any of them, he tvas soon got rid of. 



lived separately, but by no means economically In addition 
to the fat allowances they were provided with, they borrowed 
freely from speculative money-lenders who hoped to get their 
money back with heavy compound interest when the planets 
were propitious I learnt later that after the integration of 
Hyderabad the planets did become propitious 

The Nizam’s inordinate love of power was evident the 
moment he succeeded to the rulership of Hyderabad in 1911 
When the Residency Book reported that he was installed by 
the Resident, as the fact was, he entered a caveat He was 
not, as he asserted installed anybody, he came to the gaddi 
as of right His contention was, of course, unceremoniously 

When the Resident nominated Sir Salar Jung as his first 
Prime Minister, the Nizam immediately set m motion a chain 
of mtngues to eliminate the mfluence of the Resident m his 

The Nizam never lost an opportunity of asserting his per- 
sonal authority and, whenever he could, flouted the advice 
sair® appomted ministers before the con- 

sent of the Viceroy had been obUined and always tried to 

imfon admmis- 

the = 'lam to be independent m 

the? V " 'tom W Eead- 

m^whlch 'otter ot March 27 

“ouS ?! '‘“luirocally announced the doctrine that Para- 
de buTfr™ «>« It was not derived from trea- 

irnre^^roe!'' Government of India 

title of tS'Fa,thf„l”ju®^j°"’"' ‘'''t>“S>i°ut India, that the 
separate from other Ses^' "" “ “tegoiy 

wasmstSrTe the affairs ot the State 

an opposition seemly tadt no Government with 

self He arrivpfi /t financed and controlled by hrai- 
ignored his ministers decisions and systematically 

necessity of previous ministers reminded him of the 

at them He was the iSS if'’tir“''ri“'™’ 
would turn them out v “ disagreed with him, he 

to keep his word and sn ^ that he could be relied upon 
so were dutitullv suhserviem 

t™'" faw ™ ^ 



on the sale of every animal; on the sale of grass and fuel, and 
on the right to measure grain in the market. 

A formidable source of the Nizam’s power was his position 
as the accepted head of the Muslim community and the dis- 
penser of official favours. The members of the rich and accom- 
plished Muslim aristocracy had to depend upon him for their 
status, official favours and career of their sons. 'The officials 
of the State, 75 per cent, of whom were Muslims, were 
traditionally corrupt, unsympathetic to the people and irksome 
in their aggressive communalism. The Police and the military 
services were 95% Muslim. Industry, concentrated in a few 
hands, could always rely upon official connivance to coerce 
labour to do what it wanted. 

The Muslims, largely concentrated in large towns, provi- 
ded the source from which entrants to the services were dra%vn. 
As they belonged to the Ruler’s community, they had easy 
access to official favours. In the public life of the State they 
were free to do what th^ liked so long as they upheld the 
Nizam’s unqualified supremacy. 

The rural areas were 95% Hindu in population. After two 
centuries of sub/ection, the Hindus in the State had generally 
developed the under-dog mentality. It was found even in the 
ranks of the highly educated. None of them dared to point a 
finger at the Nizam or the Muslim Officers or at the Muslims as 
a community. 'They had developed protective colours like 
the chameleon to secure official favours. 'They glibly maintain- 
ed that Ala Hazrat was a wise and just master and the Hindus 
and Muslims were his two eyes, equally treated in the State. 
In private, they were bitter beyond description. 

In the beginning of the century SrJmatl Sarojini Naidu, 
who ^vas steeped in the traditions of the Muslim aristocracy 
In Hyderabad, addre^ed an ode to the Nizam, some of the lines 
of which ran as follows; — 

• * • 

Beneath whose sway concoitlant dwell 
The peoples whom your taws embrace, 

Tn ferotherhoorf of diverse creeds. 

And harmony of diverse race: 

So many the lustre of your daj-s 
OuLohlne the clecds of Firdausi Bunc. 

Your name within a nation's prayer, 

Your music on a nation’s tongue. 




Eveiyone found it difficult to get along uith the Nizam. 
Was It not Sir Theodore Tasker, Revenue Minister, who once 
stated that the task of the Executive Councii v\ as to act as a 
nursemaid to a sick child with pronounced suicidal tendencies’ 
Sir Mehdi Yar Jung, a fine old aristocrat, whom I had the 
privilege of meetmg during his last illness, once told the Exe- 
cutive Council that while in England the Ruler was the Head 
of a State run by the party In power, in Hyderabad, the Ruler 
was the Leader of the Opposition’ 

The Nizam’s claim and power to be the sole authority in 
the State arose from several factors besides temperament and 

Out of 82 698 square miles in the State. 8,109 square miles, 
yielding a revenue of Rs 2 50.00.000/- were sarf-t-khas. the 
private property of the Nizam, over which he had absolute 

Th. compnsed 25,G2!) square miles 

•’“Eirdars and Samsthans held 

i succession to them to 

ttoi ‘‘"'I ‘h appoint olTiccrs to control 

and "Eltrenting, serfdom forced labour 


to thIm®cdi'Steot”t 
they maintained tm ioM u'^!, 


villagers enough to terrorise the unarmed 

literacy warnegliSc"*Thp Percentage of 

was the middle School ■S. il"®!'!®’ ^"'“Uonal institution 
a salary of Rs 3/- per mmth S^'^ally received 

admimstratiof m the'paS'" He““lT‘';''a'™v '''® 
as the magistratp triPri « collected the revenue acted 

tion public works charge of educa- 

pnncipal function was to ^"‘sation His 

jagirdars m Tnr^ c *noney Like some old time 

Among them were taxes lUiiriT “Elected strange taxes 
even those standinir oti n f**/^*^ fruits of all babul trees, 
standing on private lands, on the right to sell snufr! 



on the sale of every animal; on the sale of grass and fuel, and 
on the right to measure grain in the market. 

A formidable source of the Nizam’s power was his position 
as the accepted head of the Muslim community and the dis- 
penser of official favours. The members of the rich and accom- 
plished Muslim aristocracy had to depend upon him for their 
status, official favours and career of their sons. The officials 
of the State, 75 per cent, of whom were Muslims, were 
traditionally corrupt, unsympathetic to the people and irksome 
in their aggressive communalism. The Police and the military 
services were 95% Muslim. Industry, concentrated in a few 
hands, could always rely upon official connivance to coerce 
labour to do what it wanted. 

The Muslims, largely concentrated in large towns, provi- 
ded the source from which entrants to the services were drawn. 
As they belonged to the Ruler’s community, they had easy 
access to official favours, /n the public life of the State they 
were free to do what they liked so long as they upheld the 
Nizam’s unqualified supremacy. 

The rural areas were 95% Hindu in population. After two 
centuries of subjection, the Hindus in the State had generally 
developed the under-dog mentality. It was found even in the 
ranks of the highly educated. None of them dared to point a 
finger at the Nizam or the Muslim Officers or at the Muslims as 
a community. They had developed protective colours like 
the chameleon to secure official favours. They glibly maintain- 
ed that Ala Hazrat was a wise and just master and the Hindus 
and Muslims were his two eyes, equally treated in the State. 
In private, they were bitter beyond description. 

In the beginning of the century Srimati Sarojini Naidu, 
who was steeped in the traditions of the Muslim aristocracy 
in Hyderabad, addressed an ode to the Nizam, some of the lines 
of which ran as follows: — 

« * * 

Beneath whose sway concordant dwell 
The peoples whom your laws enthrace, 

In brotherhood of diverse creeds. 

And harmony of diverse race: 

* * * 

So many the lustre of your days 
Outshine the deeds of Firdausi sung. 

Your name within a nation's prayer. 

Your music on a nation^ tongue. 



Everyone found it difficult to get along 'ttith the Nlzam. 
Was it not Sir Theodore Tasker Revenue Minister who once 
stated that the task of the Executive Council was to act as a 
nursemaid to a sick child with pronounced suicidal tendencies’ 
Sir Mehdi Yar Jung a fine old aristocrat whom I had the 
privilege of meetmg dunng his last illness once told the Exe 
cutive Council that while in England the Ruler w as the Head 
of a State run by the party m power in Hyderabad the Ruler 
was the Leader of the Opposition' 

The Nizam s claim and power to be the sole authority in 
the State arose from several factors besides temperament and 

Out of 82 698 square miles m the State 8 109 square miles 
yielding a revenue of Rs 2 5000000/ were sarfikhas the 
private property of the Nizam over which he had absolute 

‘*1,' ’“F" ’'‘'’“ses comprised 25 029 square miles 
TOe feudal lords of the Paigas Jagirdars and Samsthans hold 

.h''' k Nizam for he 

SSToi?™ ( absolute right to recognise succession to them to 
iSi ' ="'• <» “ppolnt officers to control 

and /ackrenting serfdom forced labour 

dermine the V Id " practices continued to un 

TOe P .1 ' of this vast area 

to the medSwe "/p ’’“'■est approach 

nised no i,,.* . ® ^ "very ill orga 

villagers ^ enough to terrorise the unarmed 

literacy wS°negliHte"*Thcir'h*i?Toj™° Percentage of 
was the middle ^school Thl n ®??' ^ucatlonal Institution 
a salary of 1 , 0 ^“ mSh 

admims'tat'mf m Sc‘pari7” Hc'^IwLi'T ‘’'® 

as the magistrate tpierr collected the revenue acted 

principal function was to irrigation His 

jagirdars in British Indka ™oney Like some old time 
Among them were taxes levied <»llected strange taxes 

even those standing on private Cd^^ 

S on private lands on the right to sell snuff 



M y first task was to study the realities of power in 

Hyderabad was a battlefield of four struggling powers: 
His Exalted Highness, the Majlis-i-Ittehad-ul-Mussulmeen 
{known shortly as the Ittehad), the Hyderabad State Congress 
and the Communist Party of India. 

By the Government of India Act of 1919, certain depart- 
ments of the provincial governments in British India bad been 
transferred to the control of partially elected legislatures. As 
a result the people in the Indian States, including those of 
• Hyderabad, awoke to their political rights. 

To meet the new situation, all that Sir Ali Imam, the pro* 
gressive Prime Minister of Hyderabad, could do was to induce 
the Nizam to set up an Executive Council in place of his un- 
adulterated autocracy. But no sooner was the Council set up 
than the Nizam reduced it to impotence and in 1920 suppressed 
the new stirrings of political life in the State. 

Six years later, Mahmud Nawaz Khan, a retired official, 
founded the Majlis-i-Ittehad-ul-Mussulmeen. Its objects were 
to unite the Muslims in the State in support of the Nizam and 
to reduce the Hindu majority by large scale conversion to 
Islam. These moves had the blessings of the Nizam. 

A little later, the Nizam spotted one Bahadur Khan at an 
assembly of Muslims, Mehfil-e-Milad as it was called, as an 
able man and elevated him to the dignified name of Bahadur 
Yar Jung and called upon him to lead the Ittehad. 

After the rebuff given by Lord Reading to the Nizam in 
1926, the British Crown stepped in to control the misrule in 
Hyderabad; Four • British officials were appointed to take 
charge of the important departments of the State including Re- 
venue, Police and Industries. Onfe of them was appointed a 
member of the Executive CounciL The Nizam was also called 
upon to accept the unanimous recommendations of the Council. 

The Muslims of Hyderabad, the beneficiaries of the 
Nizam’s autocracy^ deeply resented this encroachment upon It. 
This led to the birth of the MuBcl Movement which had for its 


I did not find any vesUge of the concordance so eloquent- 
ly sung But it shows how the make-believe of communal 
harmony with which the Nizam surrounded himself could 
make an Impression on the heart of a youthful poetess. 

There was a general conspiracy, only broken by private 
whispers, to uphold the belief ^at Ala Hazrat was the master 
Above everything his views, whoever might have dictated 
them were to be referred to with bated breath and whispering 
humbleness This tradition was scrupulously fostered by the 
palace coterie, it could only rule the State by upholding the 
Infallibihty of the Nizam 

This, then, was the Ala Hazrat, with whom my lot was 
cast during my term as Agent General 


In 1935 the Nizam’s Subjects’ League, a non-communal 
organization, was set up by some leading men to secure respon- 
sible government in Hyderabad. The Nizam’s Government 
immediately took exception to this move. No responsible 
government could be asked for in the State; it was the privilege 
of Ala Hazrat alone to govern his subjects. As a result, the 
League died at its birth. 

Hyderabad had three linguistic belts: one, of the Telugu- 
speaking districts; another, of the Marathi-speaking districts; 
the third, of the Kannada-speaking districts. Each had 
its own regional associations of public workers called Maha- 
sabhas. Though their ostensible aim was to carry on social 
and educational activities, they kept alive political activities 
of a sort. 

The tide did not halt at the command of King Canute, nor 
did the tide of political aspirations halt at the behest of the 
Exalted. When the Government of India Act of 1935 conced- 
ed provincial autonomy in British India, a similar demand was 
made in the Indian States. In 1937, the Nizam tardily appoint- 
ed a Reforms Committee for ’the more effective association of 
the different interests of the State with the Government.' 

The disappointment felt by the people at these dilatory 
tactics found expression in the progressive Hindus and Muslima 
joining hands to call a Convention. Immediately, the apple 
of discord was thrown in their midst. Were the Hindus will- 
ing to concede 50 per cent, representation to 13 per cent. Mus- 
lims? As no answer in the affirmative was forthcoming, the 
Muslim members withdrew from the Convention. This 50 : 50 
Communal Ratio became a constitutional fundamental with the 
Nizam and his advisers till the end of the old regime. 

‘The Nizam moreover, in present conditions, can make no 
constitutional change which will not (sic) diminish the past 
privileges of the Muslims and so antagonise the Ittehad, whose 
members in the past have been hfs main supporters; while 
nothing that is practicable for him to do will go far enough to 
meet the demands of the Hindus and so gain him new sup- 
porters fn place of those he forfeits by such action', ’ wrote Sir 
Arthur Lothian who was highly sympathetic to the Nizam, 
in 1947. This was true from 1937. 

In 1937, Sir Akbar Hydari, then the Finance Minister, was 
appointed the President of the Council, or, .as was loosely call- 

1 Sir Arthur Lothian, KijijTdotit* of Ywterday, pp. 185-186. 



object the elimination of all non Hyderabadis from positions of 
power and influence 

The Mulki Movement as one of its mamfestos said was 
out to find a formula that will satisfy the vested mterests the 
Hindu Muslun subjects of H E H the Nizam and meet with 
the gracious approval of our benign Master The movement 
has a great mission to perform and it has come to stay It 
ended with the slogan Long Live the Nizam the Royal Em 
bodiment of Deccani Nationahsm 

The non Mulkis in the State were mostly Muslims from 
North India and were interested m diverting the passions 
which that movement had roused They therefore rais 
ed the slogan of the Muslim sovereignty of Hyderabad By its 
very nature this was a pro-Muslim movement and therefore 
anti Bntish and anti Hindu Bahadur Yar Jung naturally 
put hunself at its head and soon became the acknowledge 
leader of the Muslims 

From the movement proclaunmg the Nizam as the Royal 
Embodiment of Deccani Nationalism to the one which hailed 
him as the Royal Embodiment of Muslim Sovereignty m the 
Deccan was a far cry Both slogans however were supported 
by the Nizam and were for his benefit 

The Ittehad under the leadership of Bahadur Yar Jung 
became a powerful communal organization the mam objective 
of which was to thwart the political aspirations of the Hindus 
and the progressive Muslims In trying to transmute 
the Mulki sentiment into anti Hindu communalism therefore 
Bahadur Yar Jung embarked upon an activity for converting 
the Hindus in certain districts of Hyderabad to Islam This 
a determined opposition from the Hindus but gamed 
or the sponsor the halo of a holy crusader among the Muslims 
However with India on the march towards parliamentary 
emocra^ it was not easy to suppress popular aspirations 
in ® State In 1929 therefore further steps were taken to 
ban all public meetings m the State This ban in practice 
was applied only to Hmdus the Ittehad as the King’s party 
was free to do what it liked a. j 

The five years from 1930 to 1935 saw the tidal waves of 
the Sfltyapraha movement led by Gandhiji sweeping over the 
country the Round Table Conferences of Indian and British 
passage of the Government of 
India Act 1935 through the British Parliament 


General and signed, among others, by Sri M. S. Aney, Sir P. C. 
Ray, Sir C. Y. Chintamani and Sir P. S. Sivaswarai Iyer: 

But Jf Your Excellency thinks it undfsirable to institute 
an enquiry, we would be quite content If Your Excellency would 
take other steps to secure to the Hindus and the Arya SamaJ the 
following fundamental rights: — 

(i) Freedom for the practice and preaching of the Vedic reli- 
gion and culture. If a preacher makes a seditious speech 
or gives offence to the followers of other faith, he may be 
prosecuted under the law, but there Is no reason to stop 
the preaching of Vedic religion, simply because some 
preachers are apt to break the law. 

(11) Freedom for the estabhshment of new branches of the Aiya 
SamaJ and the building of the new Hindu temples, Arya 
Samaj mandirs, Sikh Gurudwaras, Yajnashalas, Havankun- 
das and the repairing of the old ones without obtaining 
any permission from the Ecclesiastical or any other depart- 
ment of the State. 

(Ul) Liberty to start schools for the primary and secondary 
education of Hindu boys and girls. If the recognition Is 
not recommended by the Educational Department, they 
may not be recognized, but there Is no reason to demand 
their closure. 

(Iv) Freedom to carry religious and social processions such as 
Nagar Klrtans through public streets with music in accord- 
ance with the ettstom, usage and tradition of the Hindus 
including Arya Samajlsts, Sikhs, Jains or depressed classes, 

In the meantime, the Arya Samaj, the then premier organi- 
zation of militant Hinduism in India, launched a campaign of 
Satyagraha to vindicate the religious freedom of the Hindus. 
And so did the Hindu Civil Liberties Um’on. 

That was the time when, as Home Minister in the first 
Congress Ministry in Bombay, I first applied my mind to the 
affairs in Hyderabad. 

At the time, Arya Samajists from all parts of India came 
in batches to Hyderabad to offer Satyagraha. On their way, 
while passing through Bombay, they halted for a day at ShcOa- 
pur. When Sir Akbar Hydari found the movement difficult to 
control, he wanted me to prevent them from passing through 
the Province of Bombay. His persuasive blandishments were 

‘What right have I to prevent law-abiding people from 
passing through my Province?’ I asked. ‘They never com- 
mit nor do they intend to commit, any offence in my terri- 


fllE £ttD Of AN Era 

ed, the Prime Minister Sir Akbar soon found himself m an 
unenviable position The local Muslims suspected him of 
trying to lead the State into accepting an All-India Federation 
envisaged by the Government erf India Act of 1935, while the 
British Government accused him of insisting on State rights 
to thwart federation 

Sir Akbar, though not a fanatic by any means, had to do 
some tight rope walking 

In order to appease the aggressive Muslim sentiment, Sir 
Akbar appointed Khwaza Mom ud-Dm Ansari, later known as 
Nawab Mom Nawaz Jung, as the Secretary of his Executive 
Council He was m high favour with the Ittehad bosses and 
was related to the group which controlled their organ, the 
daily Rahhar Mom Nawaz soon became the conscience- 
keeper of the Ittehad 

In July, 1938 two Congress leaders Sri Ramachar and 
Sri B Ramakrishna Rao the present Governor of Kerala, 
inaugurated the State Congress Its modest object was to 
achieve responsible Government 'under the aegis of H E H 
the Nizam of the Asafia Dynasty’ 

reacted m the usual way On September 4, 
the Defence of Hyderabad Regulations were passed Four days 
later, the State Congress was declared unlawful, ironically 
T?* erewnd that it was a communal organization 

The Ittehad and the Hindu Mahasabha. avowedly communal 
bodies were left free to carry on their activities unhampered 
th^ humour While 

onnt ^ Gazette banning the Congress was under 

and a meeting ot some pnWm men ‘to find ways 

and means of spreading nationalism m Hyderabad ‘ 
ot vioWe Pn'atn harassment and threats 

m hemg prevented from building 

HmS Muslims resided 

rare?^t™,S Tf ‘>««i«ted but the culpnts were 

Muslim divines'Tb^^^^^*^ dehvenng discourses, while the 

paign ot proselytang theSr 

wouS‘'aptar''?rom ‘^'“‘“hi.y religious freedom, as 

PPear from a memonal submitted to the Governor- 

Towards a Muslim sfAf£ 


Though Sir Akbar Hydari publicly swore by Hindu-Mus- 
lim unity, the Government over which he presided strengthen- 
ed the Ittehad, banned the State Congress and interfered with 
the religious freedom of the Hindus as never before. 

Urdu, the official lan^age, was spoken by a small section 
of the 86%. Hindus; their mother-tongue was Telugu, Marathi 
or Kannada. In the rural areas, the Muslims spoke only a 
'pidgin’ Urdu, for the language in use in their homes was also 
one or the other of the three local languages. 

The educational policy, however, was directed at supplant- 
ing the local languages by Urdu from the time the Nizam came 
to the gaddi. The State-aided education could only be given 
through Urdu or English. In 1915, even the optional medium 
of English was replaced by Urdu in schools of the State. As 
a result, literacy in the State was only 70 per thousand as 
against 103 in the adjoining province of Madras. In 1930. the 
proportion of Hindu and Muslim students in primary schools 
was 2 : 1 as against the population which bore the proportion 
of 8 : 1. 

Besides pursuing this policy Sir Akbar lavishly financed 
the Osmanla University. Its primary object was to attract 
fanatic Muslim scholars and bring up a race of young educated 
Muslims indoctrinated with the Muslim conquistador spirit. It 
spent large sums of money to make Urdu a language of power 
by translations of and adaptations from English books. 

Most of the Hindu boys, therefore, had to join colleges 
affiliated to the Madras University, for even if a Hindu boy 
studied in the University, the chances of his being taken up in 
the State service were meagre. 

On December 16, 1929, 1/ord Irwin, the then Viceroy and 
Governor-General of India, had uttered a warning: ‘It will be 
the task of mature statesmanship so to shape the policy of the 
Osmania University that it may have as strong an appeal to 
the Hindus as to the Mahomedan subjects of your Exalted 
Highness.’ The warning remained unheeded, 

A characteristic incident, illustrative of the purpose and 
policy of the Osmania University, happened in 1939. The 
Hindu students were prohibited from wearing dhoti? and kurtas; 
they had to wear the dress accepted by the Muslim students. 
When on Janmashtami day, very sacred among the Hindus, 
some students sang the song Vande MataTom, accepted uni- 
versally as the prayer to the Motherland for over thirty years. 

Tilt END or AN era 

r If they commit any such offence I would certainly take 
Ion against them not otherwise 

I Sir Akbar Hydari invoked neighbourly relations I ask 
ed him whether the Hindus in Hyderabad were under rehgi 
ous disabilities while Muslims were left aggressively free in 
religious matters There were no such disabilities he said 
allegations to the contrary were just malicious propaganda 
I asked him whether he would permit a few lawyer friends 
of mme to go and find out the truth on the spoL He never 
saw me agam 

The Satyaffraha of the Arya Samaj In the course of which 
8 000 men had gone to jail was called oft on a promise made 
by Sir Akbar Hydan that the religious disabilities of the Hin 
dus would be removed The promise was never kept in Its 

Sir Akbar any way believed in communalism as an in 

During his long term as the Finance Minister of Hydera 
bad Sir Akbar elbowed the Hindus out of the Public Works 
Department and the Accounts Department m which they were 
employed in large numbers They were also removed from 
other key posts His great influence with the British officials 
was also used to secure international prestige for the Nizam 
as a sort of a new Khalifa 

c, nationatotion Sir Akbar acquired tor the 

j interest m several industrial concerns built up by 
IT*'?'’! concerned with one of the 

sucalled arbitrations as a result of which a large business run 

by a Hindu was taken over by the State 

™ '='*®n‘n'nnt Engineer m the State Ser 
then Snf « n«™tion of Sir Akbar Hydari and of the 
kS Mr Ghulam Muhammad 

derJhS of Pniistan An a result the Hy 

to f^ou-pany was floated by Mir Laik All 

Snstr^^n„nCT'“ “ Moat of the Government 

e T" “Of company and the 

SSe W. "’Onotaal concerns controlled by 

the btate were also transferred to it ^ 

dusto'was^nohS? of the State the in 

TheKad el f**' Government 

Construction Compand 



in the Hindu prayer hall, it was locked up and the students were 
served with an order prohibiting them from singing the song 
within the University precincts. Those who had sung it were 
given the alternative to tender an apology or to suffer rustica- 
tion. The Education Department, by a communique, also pro- 
hibited the singing of the song in schools. As a result, about 
1,200 students were expelled from the colleges and schools. 

On the other hand, on the festival of Milad’Ol-Nabi cele- 
brated by the Muslim students, the presiding professor said, 

T am pained to see the inertness amongst the Muslims, when 
there still exist 22 crores of gobar-parast (dung worshippers);’ 
a term of vulgar abuse applied to Hindus. 

About 1938 the constitution of the Ittehad was revised. 
It was made explicit in its objects that the sovereignty of Hy- 
derabad was vested not in the Nizam or his dynasty, but in the 
Muslims of Hyderabad. ‘The position of the Muslims of the 
Asafla State is’, ran the amended Constitution, 'that the person 
and the throne of the king of this country are emanations of 
the political sovereignty and social supremacy of their commu- 
niiy and shall be maintained for ever.’ (Italics mine), Ittehad 
was no longer the ‘King’s Party’. The sovereignty of the State 
was vested in it. ‘We are the sovereign in the Deccan’, declared 

Though the recommendations of the Reforms Committee 
were by no means fair to the Hindus they were .varied by the 
Nizam's Government to their further disadvantage. Of the 
elected members 50% were to be Hindus and 50% Muslims, 
elected in joint electorates; one Christian and one Parsi were to 
be elected to hold the balance. 

Even these changes were unacceptable to -the Ittehad. 
Bahadur Yar Jung insisted that Hyderabad should be declared 
a Muslim State, Mr. Jinnah too stepped in. The leader of the 
Muslim League, who at one time wanted his community either 
to have parity with the Hindus In British India or enforce parti- 
tion to give it scope, delivered an ultimatum that the Hindu 
majority of 57% in Hyderabad should be reduced to a statutory 

The not unwilling Nizam gave a written assurance that, 
firstly, he would nominate only Muslims to represent his sarf-i- 
khas; secondly, the Muslim representation among the elected 
representatives would not be less than 50%; thirdly, a 



Qiristian and a Parsi representatives would be accommodated 
m the 50% representation of the Hindus 

Naturally, the Hindus, who were thus converted into a 
statutory minority, resented these changes At the same time, 
no Muslim of nationalist views could be returned to the Coun- 
cil for he could never get a majority of Muslims ready to for- 
swear their communal sovereignty to support him 

A more shameless device to keep a majority in political 
subjection had never been invented This assurance, m the 
words of Nawab Ah Yavar Jung was a gross betrayal of trust 
That was why it was kept a secret The Ittehad thus won in 
the veiy first round’ ' 

Soon after World War II, law and order was a casualty 
m Hyderabad, 

Hitler s mvasion of Russia brought the Communist Party 
m India m support of the war efforts of the Government of 
India As a result the ban makmg it illegal was lifted in 
British India as well as m Hyderabad Immediately the Com- 
munists began a campaign to estabhsh their hold over the 
district of Nalgonda by methods of lawless violence 

The Police were conspicuous by their absence wherevei: 
the Communists spread terror To defy law and escape penalty 
became a normal feature of the We m Hyderabad, unless the 
defiance was offered by a Hindu in a non violent manner 
The Muslims also began to take the law m their hands 
In 1940, some students of the Osmania University, caught tra- 
velling on railways without tickets beat the railway staff, 
wrecked a wayside station, raided the house of Sir Akbar Hy- 
dari broke the head of the Director General of Police and beat 
up several ]^olicemen Though mqmry was made mto these 
lawless acts^ no punishment was awarded to the culprits 
When Bahadur Yar Jung died m 1944, the Nizam bewailed 
his loss in Subah e Deccan 

He was a gift from the hand of the Almighty lor the sake 
of prot-^cting the rights of the elect community (Muslims) 
His work whispered in the ear of Usman He was brave and 
an expert m fighting The disinterested service rendered 
by him to his community and the nation deserve praise 
and wdll ever be treasured In ancestral loyalty to the 
king and country God shower His blessings on his 

soul AVe and the Pnnce of Berar went to his house to offer 
1 Ah Yavar Jung Jlvderabad w Retrospect, p 7 



our condolences! hut the Junior Prince could not go owing to 
his illness. 

The dispute as to Bahadur’s successor was decided by the 
Nizam in favour of Abdul Hasan Syed Ali. ‘Statesmanship 
demands that the aim of the community is accomplished 
undisturbed on the same lines as were chalked out and follow- 
ed by the leader (Bahadur Yar Jung)’, the Nizam announced. 

In the meantime, the ban on the State Congress continued. 
At first, the Nizam’s Government insisted that the word 'Con- 
gress’ should be dropped from the name of the organization. 
When the name was changed into ‘National Conference’, a 
further objection was raised that the word 'National' could not 
be used by the organization unless the Hindus came to an 
understanding with the Muslims. 

The other objection was more fundamental. The organi- 
zation aimed at responsible Government; that would mean a 
government dependant upon the majority in the legislature; 
such a government in Hyderabad would interfere with the 
'undivided responsibility of the Ruler* for the welfare of his 

Hindus, therefore, could have ‘political’ rights only if they 
committed political hara-kirL Sri Ramachar and Sri Nar- 
singh Rao, the two leaders of the regional conferences, there- 
fore, approached the President of the Ittehad for a compromise. 
Being a progressive Muslim, Abdul Hasan came to an under- 
standing with them. This was high treason. He was promptly 
removed from Ws office. 

An appropriate successor to Bahadur was found in Kasim 
Razvi, who became the President of the Ittehad in 1946. 

A graduate of the Aligarh Muslim University, Raz\'i was 
a lawj’cr with a small practice in Latur, a small district town 
in the Slate. He was the head of the local Ittehad and the 
legal adviser of a gang of goondas of the town headed by a 
dangerous criminal. 

One day the gang looted a lorry carrying food. When a 
few members were arrested, it gathered a mob and tried to 
n^e the crimlnaU from the Police Station. The Police open- 
cxl fire. The leader of the gang was killed. 

^ c^mlssion was appointed to inquire into the police 
tiring. This gave Razvi the chance he was waiting for. The 
the members, one Hindu and the other Muslim, 
justified the police action; the other Muslim member a High 


Court Judge — held the firing unjustified. Later, when Razvi 
came into power, the judge was appointed a Judicial and Police 

Razvi was a tireless worker, though a fanatic, he was 
cunning He could persuade and overawe; when necessary, 
he could smile, be humorous, or exercise charm. Syed Taqi- 
ud-Din, I.C S , the astute ex-Secretary of the Nizam’s Govern- 
ment, was his adviser. 

Razvi, as President of the Ittehad, soon began to remove 
his nvals and critics both from positions of influence in the 
Ittehad and the Government, and supported his friends to high 
offices, among whom was Mr Abdur Rahim 


bid for independence 

O N July 3, 1946, when the Cabinet Mission had arrived in 
India to negotiate with the Indian leaders, the Nawab of 
Chhatari, the Prime Minister of 'Hyderabad, lifted the 
ban which had rendered the State Congress illegal. In Aug- 
ust, 1946, the Nizatn replaced the Nawab of Chhatari by Sir 
Mirza Ismail. 

Sir Mirza Ismail was a tried Muslim statesman of pro- 
gressive views and great administrative ability, who had 
modernised the administration in the princely States of Mysore 
and Jaipur. With his experience and tireless zeal he threw 
himself in the work of reorganising Hyderabad. 

As sweeping constitutional changes were about to take 
place in India, the Nizam expected Mirza to cover the so-call- 
ed reforms in the State with the cloak of his great reputation 
and secure Berar for him. Sir Mirza’s well-known contact with 
the Congress High Command was also expected to get the sup- 
port of the Congress In securing these objectives. 

Soon after his appointment as Prime Minister, Gandhlji 
wrote to Sir Mirza as follows: — 

1 have studied them somewhat as they appeared in the Press. 
The reforms seem to be only soolled. To me they appear to 
be a step backward rather than forward. I do not know that 
you can do much to alter them, but 1 wonder why you cannot 
scrap them altogether. The least that any State can do at this 
lime Is to recognize the status and inBuence of the States Peoples' 
Conference of which Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru Is the President, 
and secure its endorsement before proceeding with any popular 
measure. This ensures a smooth passage for any such thing.' 
Sir Mirza then had high hopes of accomplishing the im- 
possible. He replied: — 

These. I realise, are imsatlsfartoiy ia s^yessJ rsspei^tSr hut 
I feel that It is qvilte possible to remove these defects and bring 
the reforms Into line In all essential respects with those In My- 
sore, Qaroda, Jaipur or elsewhere. Hyderabad has Its peculiar- 
problems, and these have to be solved in its own way. If there 
is one thing more than an other which has pleased me. it is the 
^ Sir lEm Isnail, ify Public p. lOl. 



liberal attUudo of Hla Exalted Highness towards constitutional 
changes ' 

Sir Mirza did not know his master. The reforms that he 
was expected to bring about were charactenstic of Hyderabad. 
A Legislative Council consisting of 122 members was to be 
set up, of whom 76 (38 non Muslims and 38 Muslims) were 
to be elected^ the rest nominated The elections for the Legis- 
lative Council were, therefore, held on the sacrosanct basis of 
a 50 50 ilushm non-Mushm ratio, with the condition that 

the candidate to be declared elects should secure 51% of the 
votes of his own commumty As a result, most of the Muslim 
members elected belonged to the Ittehad 

With the pitch so hopelessly queered, the State Congress 
did not contest the elections Even out of the Independent 
Hmdu candidates who won the elections, thirteen leading 
members resigned almost at once They soon realised that 
they had been returned to the Council only to be exploited m 
the Muslim Interest 

Sir Mirza’s position was unenviable One of the organs 
of Ittehad wrote — 

While Muslims of India are boycotting the so called Consti- 
tuent Assemblv, which has lost all Its importance as a consti- 
tution making body and has been reduced to the position of an 
all India Congress committee. Sir Mlrta Ismail the Prime Mini- 
ster, himself a Muslim and Chief of the Muslim Dominion of 
Hyderabad is hobnobbing with Congress leaders in the lobbies 
of the ConsUtuent Assembly almost every day Sit Mirza is seen 
in the corridors flirting with Congress members and greeting 
them with folded hands like a Hindu Sometimes he was heard 
saying ‘ namaste ’ or ' natnaskaram He is also believed to 
have said the Hindus, being In a great majority, would rule in 
the long run despite all difficulties * 

With the prospect of a division of India in the air, the 
Nizam decided to make an immediate bid to secure for Hydera- 
bad the status of a separate Domimon He had, therefore, no 
further use for hrs" Pntue Mtarster 

His enthusiasm having ebbed away, Sir Mirza resigned 
on May 15, 1947 ‘With the withdrawal of the British control, 

I found, as I anticipated, that it was impossible to stay', he 
ruefully declared In his resignation he observed T have had 
the misfortune to find myself opposed at every turn by a cer- 

I Sir Mina JsmaiL Mu Pubhe Lii^ p 102 
a Ibid.p 105 



tain section of the local Mussalmans, who in my opinion, are 
bent on a course that is suicidal to the State. ’ ^ 

' Razvi later corroborated the fact: 'We raised our vmce , 
he said in' one of his speeches, 'and at first it had no effect 
But because it came from our inner selves, Mir» had to run 
away from Hyderabad’. ■ . j 

After the resignation of Sir Mirza, the good-natured- 
Nawab of Chhatari, unwisely allowed himself to be reappoint- 
ed the Prime Minister. He became an easy victim of the 
Ittehad. Moin Nawaz Jung was appointed the Minister of 
Planning, Press and Propaganda. Taqi-ud-din was reinstated 
in service. Nawab AU Yavar Jung,' who as the Minister of 
Police was found to be too unaccommodating, was appointed 
the Minister of Constitutional Affairs, and the portfolio' of 
Police was transferred to Moin Nawaz Jung.2 

The Nawab of Chhatari was thus a respectable facade be- 
hind which the Ittehad strengthened their hold over Hydera- 
bad. The Nizam also perceived the advantage of having the 
intensely anti-Indian Ittehad pledged to the- independence of 
Hyderabad in the control of his Government, ' . ' 

In the result, when the negoUatlons for accession between 
Hyderabad and India began, the Nizam was the autocratic 
Head of an avowedly Islamic State, increasingly controlled 
by fanatical Muslims led by Razvi and guided by Moin Nawaz 

At the beginning of 1946 or so, the Nizam obtained the 
opinion of an uncanny lawyer who also, as it appears, was a 
political prophet. 

The Nizam, according to his advice, should lose no oppor- 
tunity of strengthening Hyderabad’s position so that he 
would be better able to stand alone if that was finally found 
to be advisable. In the meantime he should be prepared to 
negotiate at the appropriate moment for the use of a port in 
Goa, or any port elsewhere, as, for example, on the East 
Coast. If Pakistan came into existence, there would be more 

V Ahmed, an adviser oJ NUam and a shrewd observer, 

»rw^afed these facts in an article written b 7 him in the Indian Natton: 
UmortuMtely the extreme Muslim opposition, represented by the Ittehad, 
naraened, and the leading part in this opposition was played by Moin Nawas 
and Syed Taqmuddm, Bdiari Secretaty in the Government of Hyderabad 
who lud been dismissed by Sir SCrza. It *9733 suspected that the opposition 
was also receiving great fmandsl support from Mir Laiq All. brother-in-law 
of Mom Nawaz Jun^, quoted by Sr Ibrza Ismail in Public Ll/e, p. 107, 

2 Ali Yavar Jung, Hyderobod in Retrospect, p. 15. Z '■ 




In such circumstances, 
than one Union or unit in resources, the claim d 

and in view of its size, population and s ^ 

Hyderabad to form an ™ . organic Union is formed 

If, on the other hand, “““ “L of Hyderabad that the 

tor India, it would be m inters compati- 

Centre should be weak and be given the 

ble with the idea of a federation advice when he and 

The Nawab of Chhatari echoed tha 

Sir Walter Monckton .’'f Lhcies of the Nizam were 

Cabmet Mission Most of the later policies 
formulated in the light of this opmi Kothi weaving 

All this time the Nizam^l m the K. 
web upon web of intrigue H hands and never 

had all the threads of the haooenmg to the other 

allowed either party to through the Nawab 

He negotiated with Lord and through the 

of Chhatari and Sir Walter MonAton^ Conserva- 

Utter, he often sounded various le e 
live Party m England He had ^ a of Mir 

create trouble when required He encouraged Hosh Yar 

Laik Ah and Mom Nawaz Jung him kept m touch 

Jung to outwit Deen Yar Jung “"a Vahed the advice of 

with Sir Mirza Ismail Sometimes h a respected 

Raja Bahadur Aravamudu „eg no more than a 

lawyer and ex Mmlster, which ho never ceased to mam- 
gesture And directly or indirectly. He n 
tarn contact with Jlnnah , gdroos, the Com- 

This was not all He the purchase of 

mander-in Chief of tjie Army, to . ^ lought was occu- 
arms in Czechoslovakia, to open negotiation 

pied m contacting Portugal on his » t H a 

for the purchase of Goa _ partition of In i 

The Mountbatten Pljm for ^^mions of India and 

and transferring power to tne t need on June o Jf 

Pakistan on August 15 1947, been vetted 7 

his firman of June 11, 1M7, ,?nrent.tled to assume 

Mr Jmnah, the Nizam declared that August 15 and 

the status of an independent -esentatives to India 

that he would not be sending P 

Constituent Assembly .. ^.g introduced^i^___^ 

The Ind ^^" Tn.^«>pendence BUi 

’ Menon, Iivfegratttm of I«dw» 5*0*®* P 



British Parliament on 9th July. The Nizam was seriously 
perturbed by it, and sent a protest to Lord Mountbatten. The 
British, he said, had forsaken their 'Old Ally’. Without his 
consent, they had envisaged Hyderabad as a part of one or the 
other of the Dominions. This was breach of faith. Hydera- 
bad, he insisted, should be a Third Dominion. 

Among the British officers who were just as shocked as 
he was by this decision, was Sir Arthur Lothian, who retired 
from the office of the Resident of Hyderabad on 26th November, 

In his Kingdoms of Yesterday Lothian dwells regretfully 
upon the glorious era which would have dawned on India, 
had his wishes been fulfilled. According to him he had loved 
India; and so no doubt he had, but ^vith that parental solici- 
tude which characterised most of the British bureaucrats who 
carried the ‘White Man’s Burden’ so bravely in this country. 
Every one, it seems, loved Lothian in return. Once, to draw 
upon his own testimony, not less than three of the Nizam’s 
advisers shed tears in his presence at the very' prospect of 
carrying on their duties without him. On another occasion 
an Indian Prince wept and would not be comforted when 
faced with the possibility of the British departing from India. 
It did not strike Sir Arthur that the day when the British 
would leave India and the Slates be integrated was looked 
forward to by the subjects of the Princes as the day of their 

Sir Arthur Lothian was a great protagonist of Hyderabad 
as the ‘Third Dominion'. It Is even possible that he himself 
had presented the idea to the Nizam in the first place; at any 
rate, Sir Conrad Corfield, the Adviser to the Crown Represen- 
tative, was its active sponsor. 

If India was to be divided, as seemed certain, its balkani- 
zation, according to the British political officers, was the only 
alternative which would enable the British to continue to bear 
the ‘White Man's Burden.’ India therefore should be split in- 
to several dominions, loosely woven into a confederacy, each 
unit to be closely linked with the United Kingdom. It was in 
this solution that the Nizam saw the chance to fulfil his cherish- 
ed ambition of becoming ind^endent. 

Sir Walter Monckton was the most formidable instru- 
ment of the Nizam's policy. An astute diplomat, possessing 
immense foresight, he played the triple role of a constitutional 



adviser, a roving ambassadOT with close contacts with the 
leaders of the British Conservative Party and an intimate friend 
of Lord Mountbatten. To my esteem for his great forensic 
ability was soon to be added respect for his flair for carrying 
on negotiations 

By the end of 1945, when coming events had begun to 
cast their shadow on the political landscape of India, Sir 
Walter Monckton was engaged in strengthemng the position 
of the Nizam in London and New Delhi and explormg the 
possibility of an alternative arrangement to Hyderabad’s 
accession to India, 

During the time that I was m Hyderabad, I had an im- 
pression that Sir Walter had ceased to carry weight with 

Naturally. Sir Walter's first concern was with his client's 
interests which, according to him, lay in some sort of loose 
association of Hyderabad with the Indian Union, with com- 
plete autonomy He felt that with his influence he could secure 
the most favourable terms for his client along those Imes by 
wearing out the resistance of the Indian leaders 

So far as I could find. Sir Walter had no personal contacts 
with any of the Congress leaders, certainly none with Sardar, 
perhaps they distrusted him 

Till the middle of 1948, when Sir Walter gave up the 
Nizam’s case in despair, he enjoyed the confidence both of the 
Nizam and of Lord Mountbatten, but for entirely different 
reasons The Nizam hoped that on account of his powerful 
influence over Lord Mountbatten and the leaders of the Con 
servative Party in Britain, Sir Walter would secure practical 
independence for Hyderabad Lord Mountbatten, on the 
other hand, believed that it was Sir Walter alone who could 
help him to secure the accession of Hyderabad to India 

The personal diary of Campbell-Johnson pays repeated tri- 
bute to Sir Walter’s magnificent skill in negotiation The fact 
was, however, fnat Loro* jSftmntdatIfen harf no memSf reserva- 
tions while dealing with him With the Nizam, on the other 
hand, unfathomable mental reservation was a congenital gift, 
and I am sure Sir Walter was aware of that 

cuArrcft V 


A t this disunce of time Kasim llazvi appears like an im- 
aginary hero of some mctllaeval romance, but, unfortu- 
nately for the people of Hyderabad and for India, he was 
only too much alive. 

Razvi, of the fiery eyes and passionate oratory, was a fana- 
tic with a Bingle-track mind. lie bcHcvcil himself to be a 
heaven-appointed leader whose mission it was to liberate the 
Muslims of the Deccan from the Indian Union. But this was 
only the first step. The ncact was to be the annexation of the 
Circars, the east coast districts of the Province of Madras, to 
Hyderabad. His Muslim crusaders were then to march to 
Delhi to replant tlic Asafia flag on the Bed Fort of the Moghuls, 
and never wore they to rest till ‘the waves of the Bay of Bengal 
washed the feet of our sovereign*. 

He insisted on the right of the Muslims to enslave the 
Hindu, who was none but a 'fco^r* and ‘a worshipper of stone 
and monkey'; ‘who drinks cows' urine and cats cow-dung in the 
name of religion'; who is 'a barbarian in every sense of the 
word'. On the other hand, to be a Muslim was to invite danger; 
‘a Muslim is one who would set at naught all the earthly pow- 
ers and make the whole world his enemy'. 

None became more dangerously intoxicated with these 
words than the man who uttered them. Within less than a 
year Razvi had succeeded in becoming an irresistible driving 
force in Hyderabad, leading even the Nizam to the belief that 
his cherished aim was almost within his grasp. He had launched 
insensate attacks against the terror-stricken Hindus of 
Hyderabad, carried fire and sword to hundreds of harmless 
and unarmed villages, and at last forced the Government of 
India to take police action to put an end to his terroristic 

The men who were encouraging Razvi to be the spear- 
head of this wild movement from a safe distance shrewdly 
banked on various factors. According to them once the stan- 
dard of Muslim domination of the Dcccan was raised, the 
Muslims of North India would flock to it. The Hindus of the 


State, if sufficiently harassed, would cease to look across the 
boundaries of the State towards thejr co-rehgionists in India 
for help Eventually, feeling themselves abandoned, they would 
submit to political slavery by agreeing to a 50 50 Muslim- 

non«Muallm ratio in the legislature and to the divine right of 
the Nizam, as representing the Muslim community, to be the 
lord and master of them all 

These men believed that, whatever they chose to do, the 
Government of India was too unsmble and its army too ill* 
organized to venture on any strong action against Hyderabad 
and that if the Government began such a venture, the Muslims, 
of India would rise as one man and overthrow it 

In any event, the Hindus of Hyderabad could, in an emer- 
gency, serve as hostages 'If the Indian Union ventures to 
enter Hyderabad’, threatened Razvi, ‘the mvaders will see the 
burning everywhere of the bodies of one crore and sixty-five 
lakhs We Muslims will not spare others when we ourselves 
are not allowed to exist ’ 

Durmg the nine months that I was able to study Kazvi and 
his activities, I never found him to falter on the path he had 
chosen Of the miserable crew that brought ruin to Hydera- 
bad, he alone did not seek safety m a flight to Pakistan when 
the crisis came, or perhaps could not 

Under Razvi, the Razakars enveloped themselves in the 
cloak of holy crusaders When joining the corps, a Razakar 
took a solemn pledge to sacnfice his life for the Itlehad and 
Hyderabad when called upon to do so by 'my leader’ Tn the 
name of Allah', the pledge ran, ‘I do hereby promise to fight 
to the last to mamtam the supremacy of the Muslim power m 
the Deccan ’ 

In January, 1948, when I went to Hyderabad, more than 
thirty thousand volunteers — men, women and children — were 
on the rolls of the corps By July-August, 1948, over a hun- 
dred thoasand had been enruffod The faigct >vas ijve tunes 
that number. 

The activities of the Razakars were varied They held 
demonstrations in Hyderabad and other towns in the districts, 
denouncing all who opp<»ed them in violent terms They 
harassed Individuals who favoured accession to the Union or 
responsible government in the State They overawed the public 
by staging marches on foot or tydes, in buses or lorries. While 

on the march they brandi^ed speaw and swords and some- 
times fired blank shots in the air. 

With or without the co-operation of the Nizam’s police, 
the Razakars took punitive action against villages on pretexts 
which ranged from the misdeeds of individuals to a raid by a 
few Communists or a well-engineered mud-throwing at a mos- 
que by an agent provocateur. With the aid of the police again 
they raided border villages in the Union in order to pursue 
a victim, or to inflict reprisals for the act of some unknown 

The Razakars ran a .school of espionage and propaganda. 
Some of the trainees, in the guise of Brahman priests, would 
encourage the Hindus of a village to inflict injury on a' local 
mosque. This would infuriate the local Muslims. The Ra- 
zakars would then fly to their rescue, injure or kill leading 
villagers, and plunder and bum their houses.. 

The Razakars also infiltrated in various guises the terri- 
tory of the Indian Union, and established a network of agents 
to smuggle arms and recruit Muslim volunteers for the State 
Police or the army. Some of the more adventurous spirits 
among them also spread out in different parts of the country 
to rouse Muslim feeling against the Union and to encourage 
an exodus to Hyderabad. It was hoped that in this way the 
communal ratio of the State would be substantially altered. 

The Ittehad leaders maintained that the Razakar move- 
ment was the spontaneous expression of the unwillingness of 
the Muslims of Hyderabad to accede to the Union. This view, 
sedulously propagated, was intended for consumption in New 
Delhi and abroad. No one, however, was prepared to swallow 
it unless he happened to be biassed against India. 

The Razalmrs had almost unlimited means at their dis- 
posal, and who but the Nizam’s Government could have built 
them up? They used several three-ton lorries and, dozens of 
jeeps and one-ton trucks. They demanded free transport from 
the Nizam’s State Railway and the Road Transport Service of 
the State and in spite of petrol being in short supply, had 
plentiful supplies from the Government depots. 

The Nizam’s Government obligingly disarmed the Hindus 
in village after village. The anns so recoveied were used by 
the Razakars, Later, they were also found using old firearms 
supplied by the Nizam's Government. Later still, they used 


modern weapons, smuggled into the State by Sydney Cotton, 
the aerial gun runner 

The Iitehad had a good pubhaty machine at its disposal 
m Its psychological war against India During the year 1948, 
It conducted seven daily and six weekly papers in Urdu and 
the Nizam’s Radio was at their service Day after day they 
published or broadcast attacks against the Union and often 
agamst Panditji, Sardar or myself. In the publicity campaign, 
the speeches of Razvi appeared prominently and frequently 
Anti-Indian news items from the Pakistan Radio or news- 
papers describmg the imaginary discomfiture of the Indian 
army on the Kashmir Front were also served up for the benefit 
of the gullible Muslim public of the State, 

The headquarters of the Razakars were situated, ironical- 
ly enough, at Dar-u-Salam, the Abode of Peace Razvz lu'cd 
and worked there, controUmg fifty-two centres m the State, 
each under an administrative conunander At these centres 
the Razakars were recruited and given tnunmg m drill and 
musketry by retired soldiers, at a few centres, even men serv- 
ing In the army and the police helped 

Nawab Deen Yar Jung, the PoUce Commissioner, a trusted 
man of the Nizam, enjoyed the reputation of being a staunch 
supporter of Razvi and had considerable influence over him 
The brains trust of the Ittehad, which at the tunc consisted of 
Mom Nawaz Jung and Syed Taqi ud Dm, with Mir Laik All 
as financier, was thirsting for the blood of Sir Mirza and began 
to exert its Influence, on the Nizam particularly, through Deen 
Yar Jung 

The men who constituted the brains-trust of the Ittehad 
thought that Razvi was their man Razvi returned the compli- 
ment, he believed them to be his tools. 

By 1946, the Ittehad had given up Its proselytizing acti- 
vity, but the Nizam's Government continued to give large 
grants to mosques, which, in one form or another, went towards 
decoying hdplcss Hindus into Islam \Vhere this could not be 
done, the thumb-screw of coercion was appbed, though care 
was taken not to rouse the Hindu community to violent oppo- 

The poor Harijans In the villages found it hard to resist 
such teraptaUon or pressure and I came across some v eiy odd 
cases of conversion among them A starving Harijan family 
would permit one of its members to turn Muslim to cam his 

. tilfi END 0>‘ AN ErA. 

reward, while Uio rest of the family, including the convcrt'a 
wife, would remain Hindu. 

The situation in such families was sometimes full of hum- 
our. The eonverted husband would sit for his meals apart 
from the family In beard and fez and would be served by his 
wife from a distance. The convert might be the father of her 
children, but that made no difference; Uio wife was a Hindu 
and remained one; he was only a Muslim for convenience. 

When the pressure was relaxed the converted generally re- 
verted to Ihclr ancestral religion. 

The Doendars, however, remained active prosclytizcrs, 
though, by January, 1948, Ihclr influence had become limited. 

The head of this religious sect styled himself TIazarat 
Maulana Siddiq Dcendar Channa Basaweswar Qible’. He 
posed as the avatar of Channa Basaweswar, the ancient founder 
of the Lingayat sect of the Hindus and claimed to liavc Utc 
same divine marks on his body as that saint. 

Four of Siddiq’s lieutenants also declared Uicmsclvcs to 
be the Hindu divinities, Vyas, Sri Krishna, Namsiralut and 
Veerabhadra. Of course the Nizam had a secure place in Ute 
pantheon; he was Dharmaraja, the god of righteousness of the 
Hindu scriptures. 

Siddiq had his headquarters in Hyderabad. His followers, 
reckoned to be five hundred strong, had no ostensible means 
of livelihood. They wore the green turban of Muslim divines, 
the saffron robe of Hindu sadhus and beard In the style of the 
Sikhs. When the situation in a village grew tense,- they led the 
Muslims against the Hindus. When they set out to loot the 
possessions of the Hindus, they dressed as Razakars. 

The exploits of Siddiq were reminiscent of a forgotten age. 
At one time he even started to collect an army for the purpose 
of capturing Hampi, the ruins of the capital of the vanished 
empire of Vijayanagar, to recover its buried treasure. 

His attacks on the Hindus were characterised by neither 
taste nor self-restraint. In the religious literature of the Dcen- 
dars, Siddiq was represented as shooting lions, tigers, leopards 
and foxes, all of which had the shape of Sikhs, Hindus. Chris- 
tians and Lingayats. One of their books, Awanul-Kas, con- 
tained the following cxbortaUon; — 

My Muslim brethren I The Qonin has taught you only 
one thing: that Is, to* change the country In which you live 
into Pakistan: In other words, to compel others to drink of the 


waters of the Qoran-e Majid A bowl Containing one quarter 
milk and three quarters dung cannot be called clean Whether 
It IS Arabistan, or Turkestan or Afghanistan so long as it con- 
tains Kafiristan in its territory, it cannot be called Pakistan 
Siddiq began to pursue his proselytumg activities vigor- 
ously He also declared a jehad (a religious war) against the 
shnnes of the Hindus and issued a public appeal for one lakh 
volunteers and a loan of Rs 5,00 000 for the purpose No step 
was taken by the authorities against him The Hindus, there- 
upon, on January 10 1932, submitted a petition to the 
Nizam to check, his activities When the opposition became too 
strong, the Nizam's Government imposed some kind of restric- 
tion on Siddiq’s activities, but till 1948 he continued to function, 
though on a very limited scale The Nizarn’s Government then 
imposed some restriction on his activities 

Because he claimed to be a reincarnated Hindu saint, 
Siddiq was thoroughly disbked by the fanatic Razvi, who also 
considered him a potential rival Meanwhile, although the 
Razakars looked upon the Deendars with contempt, they tole- 
rated them as convenient allies for the terrorisation of the 



T he central figure of the drama which was being enact^ 
in India during the year 1946-47 was the indomitable 
Sardar Vallabhbhal Paid, the Deputy Prime Minister and 
the Minister of Home, States and Information, 

Before August 1947, the composite Government of India 
consisted of the Congress and the Muslim League representa- 
tives. It was a divided house. Sardar had, therefore, to cany 
on interminable manoeuvres in order that the Congress wmg 
was not outwitted. After August, the whole structure of 
Government had to be re-bullt both at the Centre and in the 
Provinces, a process which equally tested his statesmanship. 

The communal conflicts in several parts of North India 
following the Partition, had seriously aflectcd Internal order 
in the country. It had to be restored and that too with the 
help of the attenuated services and the disorganised police and 
military forces. Refugees, in lens of thousands, were pouring 
into India from Pakistan and raising tremendous problems of 
accommodation as also of the maintenance of order. The post- 
Partition problems involved the division of assets and liabili- 
ties between the newly formed countries and the separation of 
forces and stores and other cognate matters. All these pro- 
blems required to be handled with tact, ^'igour and firmness. 
It was Sardar who bore the burden which they imposed. 

The situation was complicated by the stand taken by a 
large group of Muslims in India in favour of Pakistan. To 
Sardar, this was high treason. He made no secret of his view 
that the Muslims who were disloyal to India had no place in it. 
He said on several occasiems that they should cross over to the 
country to which they were expressing loyalty. In one of his 
speeches he said: 

There are four-and-a half crores of Muslims In India, many 
of whom helped the creation of Pakistan. How can one believe 
that they will change overnight? The Muslims say that they 
are loyal citizens and therefore why should anybody doubt their 
bona fides? To them, I would say: 'Why do you ask us? Search 
your own c onscience’.^ 

1 P. D. Saggi, Life & Worfc of SotdoT Vallabhbhai Patel, p. 54. 


On another occasion he said 

I want to ask the Indian Muslims only one question In 
the recent All India Muslim Conference, why did you not open 
your mouth on the Kashmir issue’ Why did you not condemn 
the action of Pakistan’ 

These things create doubt in the mmds of the people So 
I want to say a word as a fnend of Muslims as it is the duty 
of a good fnend to speak frankly It is your duty now to sail 
in the same boat and sink or swim together I want to tell you 
very clearly that you cannot ride two horses You select one 
horse, whichever you hke best. 

In the Constituent Assembly one of the Lucknow MusUm 
Leaguers pleaded for separate electorates and reservation of 
seats I had to open my mouth and say that he could not have 
It both ways Now be is in Pakistan Those who want to go 
to Pakistan can go Uiere and live in peace Let us live here 
in. peace and work for ourselves ’ 

Immediately after Partition, the relations of India and 
Pakistan were very strained Pakistan, Sardar felt, was vir- 
tually at war with India, he therefore tried to prevent the 
transfer of further defence stores to that country. It was also 
at his instance that the Government of India withheld the pay- 
ment of the Rs 55 crores payable to Pakistan under the Parti- 
tion arrangements 

Gandhiji, however, went on a fast on the issue of payment 
of this sum and had the decision of the Government of India 
rei ersea 

There were open differences between Panditji and Sardar, 
and so there were between him and Gandhiji At the very 
moment of triumph the ship which they were steering was on 
the rocks This made Sardar’s task extremely difficult 

From about the middle of 1946, when the policy of trans- 
fer of power to Indian hands was being canvassed. Sir Conrad 
Corfield, the Political Adviser of the Crown Representative, 
was, after Mr Jinnah, the biggest headache of the Congress 
He was then doing his best to organise the Indian Princes into 
a Third Force for collective bargaining with the Dominion of 

The astute Nawab of Bhopal was his ally He put for- 
ward a new doctrine of collective sovereignty of the Princes 
No prince could accede to the Indian Dominion without the 
consent of the Chancellor of the Chamber of Princes, in oth er 

1 P D Saggi, Life Wtfrk of Serdar Vallabhbhai Patti, p 62. 

words, himself. And all his sympathies were against the Con- 

The Jam Saheb of Nawanagar, besides the Nawab of Bho- 
pal, was the only ruler with any considerable degree of 
influence over a section of the Princes. He had been hostile 
to Sardar and distrustful of his polici^ since the Rajkot episode 
of 1938-39. He was, therefore, consolidating his position with 
the other Princes of Kathiawad for negotiating with the British 
or with Sardar from a position of strength. 

All this suited those British officials who wanted to sab^ 
lage the plan of the Labour Government of the U. K. If India 
was to be independent, at least a part of it must be left 
sufficiently weak to render the British hold indispensable. 

While Sardar was spreading his net, the Negotiating Com- 
mittee of the Constituent Assembly came to an arrangement 
with the Negotiating Committee of the Chamber of Princes. 
As a result, the Maharajas of Baroda. Bikaner, Cochin, Jaipur, 
Jodhpur, Patiala, Rewa and Udaipur decided to send their 
representatives to it in April 1947 . , 

Sardar decided to deal with the other Princes separately. 
The influence and the guiding hand of Sardar were felt 
throughout this period in the various moves which ultimately 
integrated Hyderabad with India. I do not know whether he 
could have expressed himself in the devout words which Bls- 
mark once used: 

A statesman cannot create anything himself. He must wait 
and listen until he hears the steps of God sounding through 
events; then leap out and grasp the hem of his garment. 
Anyway Sardar was all the time waiting and listening, if 
not to the steps of God, at least to the crashing of events. At 
no time would it have been true to say that Sardar was content 
to take a back seat in the protracted and tortuous negotiations 
which were being carried on with the Nizam,- Laik Ali and 
other representatives of the Ittehad. 

In 1947 Sardar was confronted with the same situation 
which faced Bismark on the eve of the North German 
Confederation in 1862. The hostile forces that he had to meet 
already existed and the master weapon in his hands, as in the 
case of the German Chancellor, was the popular will to unity. 
The fate of the Princes — erf those who accepted Sardar’s 
advice voluntarily and out of a sense of patriotism, or of others 




who misgmdedly bought could defeat the destmy 

of India-was a>«ady prrfelenmnM ^ Mmistiy 

When Sardar took Aarge o ^ aemselves against 
of States, most of ^ ImLdialely on assuming 

the consolidation of the coui^ future 

his new office, Sardar s™tes should be - 

relations between the Union “ ® ,j ^,5 teen made 

NOW that Bnllsh nile ^ eh^f Mependenca In so for as 
that the States “honld ^ states to forei^ wdl, 

Paramountcy emhodirf ‘h® demand but I do not think it 

I have every sympathy witt th^ freedom from domination m a 
can be their desire to “““C common interest of India or 

manner which is ™“”“ t.^„i„„ate Paramountcy or PoPU'“' 
which mihtates ,S, nSTresult in the abah*”'““‘ 

interests and welfare i^ioh 'W"' * , developed between 
that mutually '''^i'SSs dux.nS the last century’ 

Erituh India and Indian States d^^ij^^^ Lord Mountbatten 

The British Cabinet also play f irresistible and 

was extremely helpful Sardar wm ^ 

V P Menon was daftness 'Uelf Th 
to combine as their ew“ ” 

felt lost without a ?^Xrated is a matter of history 

How the States came to Vime^ ^ p Menon in his 

which has recently been But in all the end- 

story of the Integration 0/ Indian Sie 

less^negotiations and — provided 

some of them — the nnran y when everything looked 

the directing force ^ mto being, but Sardar led 

as If Indian unity '"““'d "ev«, “ = integration of the States 
or drove every Prince *^Sihty of f^fo 

with the Union with the ^0'="“^ statesmen associated with 
Amongst the progressive ,Le Gaek- 

the Princes, Sir B L touch with Sardar, was the 

wad of Baroda who was “ Corfield, who wanted 

first to take a bold stand To Q„„gtess on behalf of the 

to carry on negotiation broker’ he retorted, ‘we want no 
Indian Princes as an -honest broker , n 

brokers, honest or didionert Minister of Jaipur. 

SirV T 

was the most e'cae-sightrf Menon to secure the 

and he ably seconded the eSorts of 

accession of the States -i ■ 

— rTT-T^ of sardar V«»abh6h<J^ P 31 

1 p D Saggi. We « Wone oj 



I had had friendly or professional relations with several 
of the Princes and was in touch with them throughout. The 
Maharaja of Bikaner had consulted me with regard to the 
establishment of responsible government in his State. Support- 
ed by his Prime Minister — ^Sardar K. M. Panikkar — he was one 
of the Princes to agree to accession at once. On one occasion 
he told me that he had promised Lord Mountbatten to do his 
bit. Later, however, when Bikaner was integrated with Rajas- 
than, he was dissatisfied. 

In 1946, under my professional advice, the Rulers of the 
Deccan States decided to form a Union. If I am right, I first 
coined the word ‘Rajpramukh' for their Constitution which I 

Since 1944 I was closely associated with the late Maharana 
Sir Bhupal Singh Bahadur of Udaipur and the Maharaja of 
Panna in a scheme for establishing a university at Chittod. 
The Maharana also took my advice on constitutional matters, 
and early in 1947 I accepted his invitation to be his Honorary 
Constitutional Adviser. I also drafted the new Constitution of 
Udaipur for him which, incidentally, brought fundamental 
rights, universal franchise and parliamentary sovereignty into 
legal operation for the first time in India. 

At times Sardar had to deal with a highly tieacherous 
situation demanding the utmost docterity. The Maharajkumar 
of Jaisalmer was one of the covenanting party to the Union of 
Rajasthan, which I had helped to set up. His great fear was 
that he would not be able to defend his State in case Pakistan, 
which was contiguous, took possession of it. I took him to 
Gandhiji as well as to Sardar, both of whom gave him assu- 

The Maharajkumar was, however, induced by the Maha- 
raja of Jodhpur, to accompany him to see Mr. Jinnah. The 
architect of Pakistan was an:tious to carve out a Pakistan en- 
clave which would cleave India in the West. He had, there- 
fore, offered tempting terms to the Maharaja of Jodhpur. ' 

The Nawab of Bhopal was one of those rulers who wanted 
to stand out of accession to India, claiming that he would not 
pin either Dominion. In fact, his, sympathies were all for 
Pakistan. The Maharaja of Jodhpur who was under his influ- 
ence, against the advice of Sri C. S. Venkatachar, I.C.S.. who 
was then his Prime Minister, approached the Maharajas of 
Baroda and Udaipur to join him in acceding to Pakistan, so that 



it might extend right across through Jodhpur, Udaipur, Indore, 
Bhopal and Baroda Messengers went to and fro Huriied 
consultations were held Menon describes his interview with 
the Maharaja at the time when the latter whipped out a 
revolver and threatened to kill him Anyway, the move of 
Pakistan was ultimately frustrated ’ 

When the Maharaja of Udaipur received the invitation to 
enter into his arrangement with H H the Maharaja of Jodhpur 
and other Princes, this descendant of Rana Pratap replied, 
‘My choice was made by my ancestor If they had faltered, 
they would have left us a kingdom as large as Hyderabad They 
did not, neither shall I I am with India ’ 

The next day his agent telephoned to me at Delhi to ask 
whether I approved of his reply I replied that I not only 
approved, but was filled with admiration for it Nothing 
nobler could have been said by Rana Pratap’s descendant and 
this loo on the eve of the possible extmclion of his fifteen- 
hundred year old dynastic rule 

When the Jam Saheb of Nawanagar on the advice 
of Mr Jayakar was trying to promote a Union of some of the 
Princes, the Maharaja of Panna and one or two other Princes 
had a meeting at my residence m Bombay We came to the 
conclusion that a Union of Rajasthan should be promoted with 
the Maharana of Udaipur as the Rajpramukh 

The idea was put m practice at Udaipur where I helped 
in forming the Union of the Rajasthan States, other than Jai- 
pur, Jodhpur, Bikaner Bharatpur and Dholpur This Union 
which was formed under the leadership of the Maharana of 
Udaipur and the Maharajas of Panna Kotah Dungaipur, Bundi 
and Jaisalmer, also included several States of Saurashtra A 
minister was appointed and the Abu office of the British Resi- 
dent of Rajasthan was taken charge of by one of the federa- 
ting States A little after its birth however, the Union was 
replaced by the greater Rajasthan Union form^ by the Sardar 
In the beginning, the Maharaja of Jammu and Kashmir 
though his leanings were towards India found it difficult to 
make a choice between India and Pakistan He therefore 
postponed the decision to accede to one of the two dcaninions 
He wanted the situation and the relations between the two 
Dominions to become stabilised before he made his final 
I Menon, Integration of Statu, p 170 


decision. In the interval, however, he was deshous of com g 
to a Standstill Agreement with both India and Pakistan, n 
this connection he was prompted solely by the ^ JjJ 

own State which was geographically Imked with both the 

Dominions. . , ,. 

Pakistan, readily agreed to the Maharajas suggestion and 
signed the Standstill Agreement If implemented, it wou 
have given Pakistan a legitimate foot-hold m the valley which 
later might be enlarged gradually, or, at an 
moment, converted into a mUitary occupation. India, on 
the other hand, could not agree to this course; the communi- 
cations between the territory of the newly-formed Dominion 
of India and Kashmir were far from easy and any such agree- 
ment would only remain on paper. . ^ , 

The position remained in this fluid stage till 22nd October 
1947. Then the tribal raids, sponsored or supported by 
tan, left no choice to the Maharaja but to seek India’s aid in 
safeguarding not only the integrity but the very existence of 

India, however, would not go to the Maharaja’s aid witn- 
out formal accession. In the result, he signed an Instrument 
of Accession. India went to the r^ue of Kashmir. Pakistan s 

aggression was arrested. 

The Nawab of Junagadh. on the other hand, resisted the 
compulsion of the geographical, cultural and political affinities 
which bound his State to India. Contrary to the promise given 
by him to his brother Princes of Kathiawad (Saurashtra) and 
disregarding the economic interests of his people, he acceded 
to Pakistan. 

In October the people of the State ro;e in revolt against 
the Nawab. Thereupon he fled to Pakistan, taking with him 
all his cash, securities. Begums, children and dogs. The 
Arzi Hakumat, Provisional Government, was set up by some 
leaders of Junagadh according to a declaration which happen- 
ed to be drafted by me. Wherever its volunteers went, the 
people rose in their support, the officers of the Nawab fled and 
the Arzi Hakumat entered in occupation. On November 9, 
the Dewan, Sir Shah Nawaz Bhutto, a nominee of Pakistan, 
unable to cany on the Government any further without popu- 
lar support, invited the Indian Government to take charge of 
the State. 


The formidable Sir C P Hamaswami Aiyar was at that 
time the Prime Minister of Travancore On June 11, he am 
nounced that Travancore had decided to be an 
vereign State from the date of the transfer of power ^'^^hc 
nounSnent, made by a man of ou^tandmg 
Ute on behalf of perhaps the oldest State m India, whose Eulers 
ruM the State m the name and on behalf of hdl’ 

Sri Padmanabha, came to the country 
His subsequent announcement to appoint a Trade g 

''"‘"iTarknown s“tamaswami Aiyar smce 1915-16 
when wfwere working together tn the Home ^ 
was not only a patriot, but one of the 
statesmen His attitude came to me also as a sh V 
haps some day we might be able to 6 nd out what led him to 

make that statement . . those 

Sir C P ’a mtransigence gave a new ray of hope to those 

Princes who had been JvTr^Junl ^ey 

lookmfw laard^f Travancore who « ^ 

had a long conversation with Sir C P Saidar, 

were left m no doubt that it had proved 3 °“ 

to say the least, was furious ms intemews 

deal severely with Travancore Sir . joTYiant After a 
with the Viceroy, however, was less 

further interview with Lord Mountbatten, wr tes V P Menon, 

‘he (Sir C P) agreed that accession was inevitable 

turn's to ^ravaCCmC Matamja Cened 
Lt“mrbefan”c P attacked with a knife 

c” SCarnwlSKhii^^^^^^^^ 

engagement with a friend for lnnch _onJtotjai^_(HlJ^ 
1 At. Y.VU- tog, Hstosbod 1. Brt™!p.=l, p 18 


TJIB end op an era 

cip f* P ended his 
having lunch with 3 '°^,^°Xptag'for better luck next time. 

reply on an optunuitic note. wavering; they were 

Many of the frightened of their own 

frightened of ucc'saion, tot m^e proteeUon of 

people, if they did not ™Xycd that of the British 

the Indian Union, the aspirations of the people. 

Government, to save them aga^t me y 
At the same time, they hoped, by some dev 
independent than what t^r a meeting eonvened 

When the PnncK came W Demi ^ 
by the States Ministry of the ,, Lord Mountbatten 
hj a supreme tactical —rj!' h= k"^ 
to become the spokesman of ^ British Crown, 

Princes, with their Cr^^^ 

would give greater "=>5^“ j, gj^^^ar could have achieved 
au“« he'did so -vimy and peaceWly 
roKe:\to P^lncTstr^^y could get no help at all from 

the British Government. , -5 however, 

Before the conference actually met on July 25, no^ 
Sardar, hy himself or through V. P. Menon, Jek 

consent of many rulers of Importance. alter 

of the Princely resistance was not J^Hy broken un , 
a frank discussion at a private luncheon, the • 1 ™ S 
Her Highness the Maharanl of Nawanagar agreed t 

Sardar’s policy. ^ cfsatoc and 

By December, 1947, the rulers of Eastern 
Chhattisgarh had surrendered their soverei^ty, so 
States might be merged with _ the neigbounng 
Provinces. -rUpn 

At the time, in view of the differences that had • 

Sardar had made up his mind to leave the Cabinet, b 
wanted to consolidate Saurashtra before he left, oy 
middle of the month, therefore. V, P. Menon was commissionea 
to go to Saurashtra to finalise its integration. This 
difficult matter as Saurashtra had the largest numb^ of sing 
States in the country and their diversity was bafflmg. 
Sardar therefore visited Bombay and Ahinedabad to be ne 
enough to handle the atuation if need arose. 



B oth Lord Mounlbatten and Sardar Patel were forceful 
personalities From their respective points of view, 
both were anxious to solve the problem of Hyderabad 
as rapidly as possible, both were convinced that it must come 
to India, and all concerned naturally wanted to avoid a conflict, 
unless it was thrust upon them 

From the beginnmg, however, Sardar knew that the 
Nizam was going to stand out and a show down would be in 
evitable He was also fully conscious that Lord Mountbatten 
would strive his utmost to prevent it Yet, the negotiations 
were left in his hands for Sardar had the fullest confidence in 
his smcenty 

Sardar also had reasons to be grateful to Lord Mount’ 
batten for all that he had done m secunng the integration of the 
country Lord Mountbatten's association with the negotiations 
had given a wider justification to all that was done in India than 
might have been possible if it had been dealt with purely on a 
domestic level 

The negotiations with Hyderabad were also more deli- 
cate than With other States, as they involved both communal 
and international repercussions That Lord "Mountbatten 
should be handling them was, therefore, a sure guarantee to 
satisfy the outside world that the approach to the problem was 
not inspired by any communal consideration but dictated solely 
in the national interests 

In particular, Sardar wanted to avoid any charge of forc- 
ing the pace in respect of a Muslun Prmce of the emmence of 
the Nizam He also knew that Sir Walter Monckton's relations 
with Lord Mountbatten might make the negotiations easier 
SardaPs hands at the time were full of many other im- 
portant matters and he did not mmd if the negotiations drag- 
ged along for a httle while So he played chess with patience 
and skill Besides V P Menon, whose personal relations often 
made it difflcult for him to resist the over-optimistic Governor- 
General, he had C C Desai, Additional Secretary of States at 
New Delhi and later, at Hyderabad, myself, who happened to 
be m his personal confidence. 

the end of an era 


T M fir,a <^rdar felt that having regard to 
So far as I could ^ placed, a begin- 

the circumstances m which th „ with India even 

nlng had to be made to ”£1 ‘o >°"i! 

on minimum terms once Hyderabad was 

people had some voice in its ^ ^ ^j^at the people of 

within the orbit of art themselves. Popular 

Hyderabad could be relied upon would make closer 

cLmment, however “Xbr To Ws end he 

association on the lines “'"““Sten In doing so, 

het"rUrof wS torced to a compromise with some of 

Sv™t 0 fte Ntzam unwtllingly. or with the ” 

?iok pains to keep him posted-that the concessions were not 

“'tt^Lo^dtountbatten did his utmost to bring the 
Nizam Xd to an acceding frame of mind, the ^ 

advisers were left under the impression tHat, given patie 
and Sir Walter’s skill and influence, Hyderabad could P 
independence, If not in form, certainly in ^hAstance. 

As stated by a verbal device in the Indian 
Act, the British Parliament had satisfied its ".ur-j,, 

mg the Indian Princes from their allegiance to the Brhisn 
Crown. It Ignored the weighty considerations that had dr 
its Governors-General for over a century to unify India by coei 
cion or diplomacy and by making and breaking treaties. How- 
ever. following the policy of the moment, Lord Mountbatten 
had repeatedly pledged himself not to be a party to the Nizam s 
accession to India by means other than gentle persuasion. 

Sir Walter Moncklon never lost an opportunity of impress- 
ing upon Lord Mountbatten that no pressure should be 
on the Nizam to give up his sovereignty. In one of his letter 
to the Nizam he wrote: 

He (Lord Mountbatten) had hitherto been a litUe afraid on 
this score (publicising the negotiations) and never hked I 
of the publication of the brochure which he ^new we were pr^ 
paring, because I often used the fact of our intention to p - 
the brochure as an ai^ument to make the Dominion of 
cautious in their attitude towards the State. 



The Nizam and his advisers, from their own point of view, 
therefore exploited fully some of the different reasons that 
impelled Sardar to take Lord Mountbatten’s assistance They 
believed — and not wrongly — ^that Lord Mountbatten was their 
best guarantee against any positive action that could be taken 
by the Government of India against Hyderabad In spite of 
this, if they faded, it was because they were the victims of 
exuberant communal passions Lackmg realism, th^ were un- 
able to sense the importance of the lime and the atmosphere, as 
also of the value of Lord Mountbatten’s presence in India 

In these negotiations the fate of India therefore hung upon 
the persuasive skill of Lord Mountbatten, which was expected 
to tame such an inveterate lover of autocratic power and 
Islamic domination as the Nizam Both he and Sir Walter 
were emotionally unaware, that to allow Hyderabad to remain 
autonomous would be the end of India Not only the compul- 
sion of geography, to use Lord Mountbatten’s words, but the 
compulsion of history, language, culture, ethnic homogeneity 
and of political unity made Hyderabad an indissoluble part 
of India 

CampbelbJohnson refers to Lord Mounlbatten’s views at 
this time in the following words — 

During Ismays and my visit to London, Mountbatten used 
all his resources as a conciliator to find the formula that would 
close the gap between accession and association He even went 
so far as to recommend a lavi^ document — a hand written vellum 
scroll, perhaps—with a heading conAnod to some such archaLm 
as Know all men by these presents.’ It could then be accepted 
by both parties as an instrunient', without suffix or prefix, but 
meaning accession to the Sardar and association to His Exalicd 

Did the author expect us to believe that Lord Mountbatten 
had such a poor opinion of the realism with which Sardar 
and the advisers of the Nizam, if not the Nizam himself, were 

Lord Mountbatten, however, was anxious to secure some 
kmd of agreement with Hyderabad before he left India Mir 
Laik Ah and Mom Nawaz knew of his anxiety and therefore 
remained under the impression that he would accept any 
arrangement rather than permit a breakdown 

The Nizam decided to open negotiations with India for a 
treaty on the basis of independence, not accession At the 
f illia$>on with JHoimtbattm, p 231 



beginning of July, he sent a delegation consisting of the Nawab 
of Chhatari, his Prime Minister, Sir Walter Monckton and 
Navvab Ali Yavar Jung, the then Minister. for Constitutional 
Affairs, to negotiate with the Government of India. Kasim 
Razvi also accompanied the Chhatari Delegation. 

When in Delhi, Ih^ sought the advice of Mr. Jinnah. I 
can easily imagine the interview. My old friend and political 
leader of the Home Rule League days, would be sitting cross- 
legged, wrapt in detached majesty, his hand playing with his 
monocle. The others would be silling in i-espectful silence. 
Soon, as was usual with Mr. Jinnah, he would deliver in his 
jerky manner and with authoritarian gestures, a homily on 
what every one should do. 

It appears that on this occasion the architect of Pakistan 
impressed the hope that if pressure was brought to bear on 
Hyderabad, it should, like the great martyr, Imam Husain, 
immolate itself rather than sacrifice its independence. 

He e.rpressed the view that responsible Government could 
not be introduced in Indian States all at once. It required a 
political experience and training which was lacking in the 
people of the States. There could be no doubt that some time 
would be required before responsible Government could be 
introduced. A beginning had, however, to be made. It was 
the duty of the administrators to lake the people into their 
confidence. But the progress towards responsible Government 
should be speedy. 

The Nawab of Chhatari appears to have brought Mr. Jinnah 
down to earth by asking a very pertinent question*. 'Would 
Pakistan come to the help of Hyderabad if it was faced by an 
ultimatum from India?’ 

‘No,’ said Mr. Jinnah as emphatically as ever. ‘Pakis- 
tan cannot help Hyderabad with material aid.*’ 

On July 25, Lord Mountbatten, by his famous Address 
to the Chamber of Princes, invited the Princes of India to 
accede to the Indian Union. By then some of the leading 
Princes, led by the Maharajas of Nawanagar, Baroda, Jlysore, 
Bikaner, Gwalior and Patiala, had agreed to accede on the basis 
that Foreign Affairs, Defence and Communications should be 
transferred to the Union, The last day for signing the Instru- 
ment of Accession was fixed for August 15. Meanwhile, 

1 AU Yawar Jung, Hyitrahad in Rttnapeet, p. 19. 



Lord Mountbatten formed a negotiating committee compris- 
ing various Princes and the Prime Ministers of some of the 
States The Nawab of Chhatan however declined to join the 
negotiating committee and the negotiations with Hyderabad 
Viere suspended 

Razvi felt that the cold reception given by Mr Jinnah 
Would unnerve the Ittehad and the Nizam With character* 
istic energy therefore he turned the tables on the negotia 
tors He returned to Hyderabad and publicly denounced the 
majority members of the delegation as a set of traitors Ihe 
Nawab of Chhatari was a traitor because he had a zamindari 
in UP, All Yavar Jung because he was a stooge of Nehru 
and Patel Sir Walter Monckton because he was a friend of 
Lord Mountbatten Only Pmgle Venkatarama Reddi and Mr 
Rahim were staunch and true and saved the situation they had 
prevented a betrayal of Hyderabad by refusing to allow a 
letter to be sent to Lord Mountbatten conceding Defence and 
External Affairs 

That letter as it happened had been approved by the 
Nizam The usual allegation was thereupon put forward 
that the letter which the Nawab of Chhatan was going to 
send to the Governor General was not the one which had been 
approved by the Nizam 

On August 5 the members of the Chhatari Delegation 
returned to Hyderabad to confront an angry Nizam and a 
Muslim public denouncing them as traitors 

The Indian Prmces had betrayed them said the Nizam, 
he had therefore decided to fall back on the British assurance 
that he would be allowed to associate himself with the United 
Kingdom directly rather than forced to join either of the two 
Unions The ardent Ittehad Minister Abdul Rahim and Mcin 
Nawaz Jung now advised him to proceed on the basis of de 
facto mdependence 

The Nawab of Chhatan m his mild way tried to show up 
the Ittehad When the Ittehad leaders talked of making pre- 
parations to fight India he again approached Mr Jinnah to 
inquire whether he could spare any aims for Hyderabad Not 
a gun,’ replied the Qaid e Azam Arms were however neces- 
sary and the pro Ittehad ministers mduced the Nawab of Chha 
tan to send General El Edroos the Commander of the Hydera 
bad Army to Europe to arrange ftw their supply 


Nawab Ali Yavar Jung was also asked to proceed to the 
U.K. and the U.S.A.— of course In company with Laik Ali — 
to conclude a defensive alliance with them. He tvas shrewd 
enough not to undertake the -work and resigned office. With 
his resignation began a drive to get highly placed Shia officers 
to retire from the services, for the Ittchad was dominated by 
the Sunnis. '< 

On the night of August 14, at a farewell banquet given 
to the last of the British Residents, the Nizam said: 

It Is still my desire and the desire of Hyderabad to remain 
within the Family of NaUons known as the British Common- 
wealth... After all these years of friendship, I am confldent tliat 
the ties which bind Hyderabad to Great Britain will not be 

In his reply, Mr. Herbert, the out-going Resident, reflect- 
ed the mood of the Political Department when he said : 

... I join with Your Exalted Highness in the hope that a new 
relationship between them (Hyderabad and Great Britain) may 
soon be created and may prove as enduring as that which is 
passing away.3 

According to a guest who was present on this occasion, the 
Resident also uttered a prophecy that as New Delhi was likely 
to collapse in no time, he would be back in a few months. 
The Nizam also wound up by saying: 'When the British go 
from India, I shall become an Independent sovereign.’ 

The Resident did not rest content with words. Most of 
the Residency files were destroyed and three military bar^ 
racks — two in Secunderabad and one in Aurangabad — were 
handed over to the Nizam’s Government. The Hyderabad 
Residency and considerable military equipment belonging to 
the Government of India were handed over to the Nizam’s 
Government either for an inadequate price or none. The 
Hakimpeth Aerodrome was similarly given up. 

1 ^ Yavat Jung. Hvdembad in Retrotpect. p. 22. 

.Hyacrobiid* ReljiUont teitk the DonttnUm of litdta {published by the 
Nizams Government), pp. 8, 9. - 



W HEIN by his Firman of June 11, 1947, the Nizam 
declared his intention of assuming the status of an 
independent sovereign on August 15, the State Con 
gress decided to launch what was known as the Accession 
Satyagraha ‘to realise regionsible Government integrated to 
the Indian Union ’ 

On June 15, Razvi, by way of challenge to the Congiess 
announced what was already an accomplished fact, that the 
Razakars were an armed volunteer corps and that Hyderabad 
would be independent as from August 15 He al&o called 
upon the Muslims to prepare themselves for all sacrifices 
On June 19, Kasim Razvi laid down m a public speech 
that ‘To object to the Firman, the R<^al Declaration, is against 
loyalty One has only the right to analyse the Fvmana It 
is the natural right of Hyderabad to declare independence and 
Paramountcy rests with the Muslims ’ 

Naturally, these challenges and counier*challenges were 
followed by clashes between the armad Razakars and the un* 
armed Congress workers The Nizam’s Government was a 
silent but appreciative spectator, for the clashes invariably 
ended in favour of the Razakars 

On July 27, the Ittehad celebrated Independence Day 
in Hyderabad City On August 7, under the leadership of the 
State Congress, ‘Join the Indian Union' day ivas celebrated at 
345 centres m the State During these celebrations 180 per- 
sons were arrested and crowds were lathi charged at several 
places Swami Ramanand Tirtha, the President of the State 
Congress, was also arrested 

Congress took up the challenge It called upon the 
people to hoist the National Flag on all buildmgs on August 

After the midnight of the I4th, when the Borabay-SIadras 
Express was passing through Hyderabad, the Hyderabad Sta- 
tion Police entered the tram and removed the National Flags 
even from inside the compartments. 

On Independence Day, the processions and demonstrations 



flying National Flags were charged with lathis or fired upon 
by the Police and large-scale arrests were made. Armed Raza- 
kars, co-operating with the Police, tore down the National Flag 
wherever it was found and offered it every kind of insult. 
Even the Flags on the buildings of the Government of India 
did not escape their fury. 

When, on August 29, Panditjl expressed the indignation 
of the country at these outrages in the Constituent Assembly, 
the Hyderabad Government came out with a total denial that 
the National Flag had ever been subjected to insult. 

The Accession SatyagraJui, thus launched by the State 
Congress, spread like wild fire. About nine thousand persons 
courted arrest, National Flag in hand. There was a large- 
scale refusal to pay the compulsory levy on foodgrains. Thou- 
sands of toddy trees were cut down in the villages. Hundreds 
of village officers resigned. ' Congressmen, Communists and 
villagers joined hands in destroying the customs buildings in 
the border areas. Thousands of students in schools and 
colleges defied the law. 

Razvi also went about his mission with vigour. He de- 
clared that Hyderabad was free and independent, and 
threatened direct action against the Nizam’s Government if 
it ever acceded to the Union. A campaign of terrorization of 
the villages which had participated in the accession Satya- 
graha was launched and a large number of Hindus left Secun- 
derabad to find safely in the surrounding Union provinces. 

15th of August, the appointed date for accession, had 
come and gone and the Nizam had not acceded. Sir IValter 
Moncklon hoped, however, that given time, the negotiations 
would bear fruit. Although Sardar was not too happy 
about it, the Government of India was ultimately induced to 
authorise Lord Mounlbatten to continue the negotiations for 
two months more. During this respite it was decided by some 
of the Ittehad leaders that Hyderabad must be strengthened 
internally and delegations should be sent to the U.K. and U.S.A. 
to negotiate diplomatic treaties. 

On August 27, the Nizam by his Firman declared that on 
August 15, he had assumed the status of an independent 
sovereign. Immediately, a movement was started by the Itte- 
had to refer to him as 'His Majesty*. 

Sir Walter Monckton emphatic in his view that the 



Nizam must come to terms with India This advice brought 
upon him the wrath of the Razakars and Razvi publicly de- 
nounced him Thereupon he tendered the resignation of hzs 
office to the Nizam The Nawab of Chhatari and Nawab Ah 
Yavar Jnng also submitted their resignations Hearing the 
news of Su Walter s resignation. Lord Mountbatten exclaimed 
‘We are sunk ’ Sir Walter was his trump card 

The Nizam was equally perturbed Feeling that he had 
over played his hand and also lost his chief ally, in dealing 
with the Government of India he began to play a more cautious 
game On August 17, the Nawab of Chhatari wrote to 
Saidar at the Nizam’s instance, conveying the desire of the 
latter to resume negotiations a week later Sardar immediately 
agreed to do so 

On August 24, the Nizam also requested Lord Mount- 
batten to advise Sir Walter Monckton to continue as Hydera- 
bad’s Constitutional Adviser The request was complied with 
Sir Walter, however, was firm He insisted on a public with- 
drawal of the attack made on him by Razvi Ultimately, the 
Nizam issued a firman condemning the attacks on the Delega- 
tion and made it up with his constitutional adviser 

Indo-Hyderabad relations evidently hung upon the in- 
dispensabihty of Sir Walter Monckton. 

When the Hyderabad Delegation, consistmg of the Nawab 
of Chhatari, Sir Walter Monckton, AU Yavar Jung and Sir 
Sultan Ahmed, was about to come to New Delhi to resume 
talks with Lord Mountbatten, Sardar was far from happy 
On August 24, he wrote to tbe Governor General that 
he would not accept any variation in the Instrument of Acces- 
sion which had been signed by the other princes, however, he 
added, if the Nizam’s Government were unable to decide to 
accept accession to the Umon, referendum of the people of Hy- 
derabad should be held 

When Lord Mountbatten, following Sardar’s advice, press- 
ed for the standard Instrument of Accession with slight modi- 
fications, the Nizam by his letter dated September 18, was 
equally explicit No accession, but only a treaty between the 
two independent, sovereign Stales, was what he wanted 
According to him, any accession involving organic union with 
India, or any that would concede power to the Union to make 



laws for his State, was out of question. The suggestion of a 
referendum was also unceremoniously turned down. 

According to the Draft Heads proposed by the Nizam, 
Hyderabad would be a sovereign and independent State, 
only associated with the Dominion of India for certain 
purposes. Of these, political relations with foreign powers 
would not be one. The army of Hyderabad would be recruit- 
ed, maintained and equipped by the Nizam's Government and 
its officers would be appointed by the Nizam. In case of 
external danger, however, an agreed quota of troops would be 
placed at the disposal of the Union, but not if the danger 
proceeded from Pakistan. The communications of Hydera- 
bad would be independent of the Union, but an agreement to 
maintain all-India standards might be entered into. 

There was the British pledge not to put pressure on him 
to accede, said the Nizam. At the end of the letter came the 
threat: If the Union demanded accession from him, further 
negotiations would serve no useful purpose. If there was a 
breakdown, he would publish the communications .between 
Lord Mountbatten and himself! 

Sir Walter Monckton, however, pressed the Nizam to enter 
into a treaty of agreement with the Union short of accession, 
but preserving independence in law, and prepared a brochure 
to vindicate Hyderabad's claim. He gave the advice that when 
circumstances changed, that was to say when Pakistan and 
Hyderabad grew strong enough to warrant it, the treaty could 
be denounced, and fresh arrangements made with the Domi- 
nions. If so desired, the ties with the Dominion of Pakistan 
might then be strengthened and those with the Dominion of 
India loosened. In the meantime, though negotiations should 
continue as long as possible after the 15th of August, Hydera- 
bad should be prepared for a conflict in any event. 

The Delegation, consisting ^*he Nawab of Chhatari, Ali 
Yavar Jung, Sir Walter Monckt^SInd Sir Sultan Ahmed, met 
Lord Mountbatten on September 22. The Indo-Pakistan 
conflict was then at its height. An attempt therefore was made 
by the Delegation to play upon the nerves of the Indian leaders. 
If accession were forced upon the Ni^m, there would be blood- 
shed in Hyderabad, Muslims would kill Hindus and a general 
communal flare-up in the country would follow. 

Lord Mountbatten’s pertinent question, ‘If bloodshed 



Started in Hyderabad and the Hindu population were butcher- 
ed, would the Government of India sit back and watch the 
situation’’ remained unanswered 

Having discussed the pros and cons of all the questions, 
and Sir Walter having prepared some heads of Agreement, the 
Delegation returned to Hyderabad It found the Nizam ada- 
mant Something had happened in the meantime, perhaps 
Pakistan had tendered some advice In his letter of Septem- 
ber 26, the Nizam stressed his right to independence and 
prophesied bloodshed throughout South India, if Hyderabad 
acceded to India 

Sir Walter Monckton in despair decided to leave foi Eng- 
land Before he left for England in September, however, he 
drafted letters from the Nizam to His Majesty the King of the 
United Kingdom, Prime Minister Attlee and promment mem- 
bers of the British Conservative party He also knew his own 
value He said ‘I go, but I come back ’ 

Meanwhile, the thing which the Nizam feared most was 
that if Sir Walter Monckton left Hyderabad, Sardar would take 
the negotiations mto his own hands This he did not want m 
any event 

It must be admitted that Sir Walter’s ingenuity was in- 
exhaustible He proposed a six-months’ Agreement, this, ac- 
cording to him, would provide a breathing-space m which 
bitterness would abate 

In the meantime, the Nizam and Sir Walter both, insistent- 
ly pressed Lord Meuntbatten for the return of the Bolarum 
Residency and the cantonments, as well as for the supply of 
military equipment and the removal of Indian troops from 
Secunderabad Lord Jfountbatten promised the removal of 
the troops by the end of the next month, but Sardar would 
not agree to any such step 

About this time Lord Mountbatten had invited V P Menon 
to go to Hyderabad to ap, > ^is ‘magic touch' At the last 
minute, however, the Nawab-'of Chhatari asked Menon to 
abandon his visit The law and order situation would not per- 
mit It he said The Razakars would not brook the presence 
of any emissary from Delhi Menon, the terror of Princely 
India, had to slay back 

Sir Walter Monckton softened the blow by giving an as- 
surance that no insult was meant to the Government of India. 

the end or AW ERA 

The assurance had, ot course, to be accepted and the alronl 

^^'ThcTDelegatlon again came to New Delhi on October 10 
and met Lord Mountbaltcn. The usual rituaU "ata ^ 
through. Arguments were advanced on toth sides and 
rate notes taken. To all suggestions the Delc^tlon replied by 
the assurance that they would place every thing betore HU 
Exalted Highness. Sir Walter reiterated the Nimm s dcelaiv 
ed policy to treat his Muslim and non-Muslim subjects equal y. 
He did not refer to the undeclared practice to tlic contrary. 

The Nizam’s suggestion that substantial powers in respect 
of Defence and External Affairs should be rcscrv'cd to him- 
self was turned down by Sardar. He would sooner brcaK 
off negotiations, ho said, than concede them. This brought 
about some change in the attitude of the Nizam and the De o- 
gation again came to New Delhi and met Lord Mountbaltcn. 

After elaborate negotiations, a year's Standstill 
ment conceding the three Central Subjects, a Collateral Letter 
from Lord Mountbaltcn to the Nizam making Important con- 
cessions to the Nizam and a draft Firmcn, were drawn up by 
V. P. Menon In consultation with Sir Walter and were approv- 
ed by Lord Mounlbatten, Pandltjl and Sardar. 

All the members of the Delegation held the view that the 
Nizam would accept the draft Everyone was happy that 
there would be peace in the South, at any rate for one yew, 
and then the glorious day would dawn. Each parly had its 
own idea of what that was to be. 

The Delegation reached Hyderabad on the afternoon of 
the 22nd. It went directly to the King Kothl and read out to 
the Nizam the drafts of the Standstill Agreement and the 
Collateral Letters. At first the Nizam was hesitant; later, he 
referred the draft to his Executive Council for advice. 

For three days — 23rd. 2-lth and 25th— the Council discuss- 
ed every clause ^readbare. 

On one occasion, a special meeting of the Executive Coun- 
cil was held at the King Kothi, presided over by the Nizam 
himself. It was attended by, among others, El-Edroos, the 
Commander-in-Chief of the Nizam’s Army, and by special in- 
vitation, Raja Bahadur S. Aravamudu Ayangar. 

The Nizam asked everyone present to express his Indivi- 
dual opinion. Pingle Venkatarama Reddy, courtier that he 


was, said, ‘My opinion is exactly the same as that of His 
Exalted Highness.’ 

His Exalted Highness flared up. 'I have called you here 
that I may listen to your individual opinions, not to echo what 
I say.’ 

The Raja Bahadur wished to put a few questions to the 
meeting. The Nizam having agreed, he asked: ‘Have we 
ever been independent as England, France or Germany?’ The 
unanimous reply was 'No.' 

‘Suppose a conflict arose between the Indian Union and 
Hyderabad, how long could we hold out’’ asked the Raja 

El'Edroos, the Commander-in-Chief, replied, ‘Not more 
than four days.’ The Nizam, intervening, said ‘Not more 
than two.’ 

‘The wisest course then would be to sign the Standstill 
Agreement,’ said the Raja Bahadur. ‘We have secured much 
belter terms than other States.' 

Nawab Mehdl Yar Jung agreoi with this view. The only 
dissentients were Moin Nawaz Jung and another gentleman. 

‘I agree with Ayangar*, said the Nizam. Everyone went 
home under the impression that he would sign the agreement 
and the Delegation would leave the next morning. 

Ultimately, by six votes to three the draft was accepted 
by the Executive CounciL The dissentients were Mom Nawaz, 
Abdur Rahim, the Ittehad representative on the Council, and 
a third Minister. 

On the night of the 25th, the Nizam approved of the deci- 
sion of the Council and promised to sign the Standstill Agree- 
ment with a few mmor amendments. 

The next day the Nizam also approved of the two draft 
letters to be addressed to Ixird Mountbatten In one of the 
drafls he made two points* if India went out of the British Com- 
monwealth, he would reconsider his position and If there was 
war between India and Pakistan, he would remain neutral. New 
Delhi had already expressed its willingness to accept these two 
pomts in advance. There were no other counter-proposals. 
The other draft was that of a secret letter to be signed by the 
Nizam undertakmg not to accede to Pakistan. 

As the Delegation was to leave for Delhi at 8-30 A M on the 
27th, on the evening of the 26th its members waited upon 



The assurance had, of course, to be accepted and the adront 

srvallowed^^I^^tio^ again came to Kew Delhi on 

and met Lord Meunlbattcn. The usual 

through. Arguments were advanced on both sides 

rale notes taken. To all suggestions the DclcgUon rcpll^ by 

the assurance that they would place evciylhlng 

Exalted Highness. Sir Walter reiterated the 

cd policy to treat his Muslim and non-Muslim subjects equal y. 

He did not refer to the undeclared practice to the contrarj*. 

The Nizam’s suggestion that substantial powers In rc^^t 
of Defence and External Affairs should be reserved to him- 
self was turned down by Sardar. He would swncr 
off negotiations, he said, than concede them. This orougnt 
about some change In the attitude of the Nizam and the DC e- 
gallon again came to New Delhi and met Lord Mounlbat cn* 

After elaborate negotiations, a year’s Standstill Agr^ 
ment conceding the three Central Subjects, a Collateral Letter 
from Lord Mountbaltcn to the Nizam making Important con* 
cessions to the Nizam and a draft Firman, were drawn up by 
V. P. Mcnon in consultation with Sir Walter and were approv- 
ed by Lord Mountbaltcn, Pandltjl and Sardar. 

All the members of the Delegation held the view that the 
Nizam would accept the draft Everyone was happy that 
there would be peace in the South, at any rate for one year, 
and then the glorious day would dawn. Each party had its 
own idea of what that was to be. 

The Delegation reached Hyderabad on the afternoon of 
the 22nd. It went directly to the King Kothi and read out to 
the Nizam the drafts of the Standstill Agreement and the 
Collateral Letters. At first the Nizam was hesitant; later, he 

referred the draft to his Executive Council for advice. 

For three days — 23rd. 24lb and 2Slh— the Council discuss- 
ed every clause Uireadbarc. 

On one occasion, a special meeting of the Executive Coun- 
cil was held at the King Kothi, presided over by the Nizam 
himself. It was attended by, among others, El-Edroos, the 
Commander-in-Chief of the Nizam’s Army, and by special in- 
vitation, Raja Bahadur S. Aravamudu Ayangar. 

The Nizam asked everyone present to express his indivi- 
dual opinion. Pingle Venkatarama Reddy, courtier that he 

Xh* N«aw 



the Nizam in the expectation that the documents would be 
executed by him in their presence. 

The documents were read once more. Everything was 
ready, in order. Suddenly the Nizam announced that he 
would not sign at that hour of the day; he would do early 
next morning, before the Delegation left for New Delhi, 

At 3 A.M. on the morning of the 27th. the Razakars were 
on the streets. Twenty to twenty-five thousand of them sur- 
rounded Lake View, Sir Walter Monckton's residence, as also 
the houses of the Nawab of Chhatarl and Sir Sultan Ahmed. 
They came In trucks and private cars, armed with spears and 
swords and shouting through loud-speakers: 'The Delegation 
shouid be prevented from leaving for Delhi by physical force.' 

At 5 A.M. the unhappy plenipotentiaries telephoned to 
the army headquarters to provide them with an asylum. A Bri- 
tish brigadier of the Hyderabad army brought them to safety 
in a truck. 

At 8 A.M. on the morning of the ‘27th the Nizam sent a 
message to the Delegation that they were not to proceed to 
Delhi. He also sent a telegram to Lord Mountbatten saying 
that the Delegation could not leave on account of unforeseen 
circumstances, but that it would arrive within three or four 
days. In his telegram, Sir Walter Monckton also conveyed'the 
Information that they might be late by two. days. 

In the afternoon the Nizam summoned the Delegation to 
take stock of the situation. He violently denounced the Itte- 
had, cursed Razvi and asserted that the Standstill Agreement 
was the right one and should be accepted. '1 am determined,’ 
he said, 'to make Kasim Razvi accept it.' 

On the morning of the 28th, the Nizam sent for the Dele- 
gation again. His mind, he said, was unchanged. Then, he 
turned to his chief secretary and asked him to call Razvi at 

Within a few minutes Razvi joined them. Then the Nizam 
turned to him and asked him why he objected to the Agree- 

Razvi was firm. T£ Ala Hazrat signs the Standstill Agree- 
ment, it will mean the end of Hyderabad,' he declared. ‘This 
delegation is weak. If it had insistod on the original agree- 
ment, the Government of India would have accepted what we 
wanted. I am sure th^ would have yielded.' 

‘This delegation Is ni> good/ he continued T request Ala 
Hazrat not to sign this agreement Give me a chance to form 
a new delegation I am sure it will succecij, where this dele 
gallon has failed ’ 

Sir Sultan Ahmed turned to Itazil ‘^Vhat reason have 
jou to thlnJv that where the delegation wiifch included Sir 
Walter Afonckton failed, another would succeed’' he asked 
'I hive my reasons,’ responded Razvi 
'What are they’' asked Sir Sultan 
'Please don t put such embarrassing question to me,' with 
these words Razvl turned to the Nizam and said, T am absolute- 
ly certain that wo shall succeed-' 

Let us have at least one reason’ pressed Sir Sultan 
'The Indian Union is fully occupied with the trouble m 
the north,' was Itazvl's reply Tf we insist, they are not m 
a position to do anything to us and they cannot refuse our 
demands’ Then ho turned to the Nizam and added, 'Give 
me at Icaat a chance to continue the negotiations ’ 

Afonckton was firm so were the other members 'N'o 
other delegation can hope to achieve the treaty as proposed 
by His Exalted Highness Sardar Patel is adamant on this 
pomt Not one point which could be pressed to advantage has 
been left unused by us,' said Sir Sultan 

Razvi was equally firm He pressed the Nizam to appoint 
Mom Navvab Jung and Abdur Rahim, the tw o dissentient mem- 
bers of the Execuliv c Council, on the new delegation 

The Nizam appeared to waver The four members of the 
Delegation therefore tendered their resignations Kasim Razvi 
took his leave 

‘This blackguard, this tupenny halfpenny man must have 
gone mad,’ said the Nizam after Razvi left. 

Sir Sultan was indignant ‘All of us were put out when 
this man was brought into our discussions Yesterday we 
refused to meet Your Exalted Highness, if be was present’ 

The members of the Delegation then withdrew 
The Nizam accepted their resignations ’ 

Razvi’s attitude was based on a definite line of reasoning 
With other Ittehad leaders, he firmly believed that the Govern- 
ment of India was cracking because of external troubles and 

^ I am obliged to my Wend Sir Sultan Ahmed, for confirming the 
accuracy of the narrative 

Mir Loife Ah 



T he Ittehad was on the scene The Nizam by his letter 
of 31st October, threatened to accede to Pakistan if the 
negotiations with the Government of India broke down 
A new delegation of Razvis clioice was now appointed 
Ihis consisted of "Mom Nawaz Jung the Home Member, who 
on All Yavar Jungs resignation had been placed in charge of 
constitutional affairs Abdur Rahim the Ittehad leader, and 
Pingle Venkataram Reddy 

Pmgle Venkataram Reddy was one of the Hindu jagirdars 
of the State Shrewd but good naiured busmessman, he 
was not interested m office or politics Ne\ ertheless, he was 
a trusted friend of Mr Abtiur Rahim and could not sacridce 
his position with the Ittehad by refusing the honour conferred 
on hun To be on the right side of eventualities, however, he 
oubmiUcd a note to the Nizam m which he said that the new 
delegation was not likely to achieve anything 

I had \ery friendly relations with Sri Pinglc Reddy He 
had been a Director of the Bombay Life Insurance Company 
when I was its Chairman before 1937 But in Hyderabad 
because he was the Hindu mascot of the Ittehad Mmistry, he 
treated me as an utter stranger In New Delhi and Bombay 
on the other hind, he was my friend frankly telling me about 
the doings of his fnends in Hyderabad From the \ery begin- 
ning he assured me with a dy twinkle m his eye, that they 
w ere doomed 

On November 2 the new H>dcrabad Delegation met Lord 
Mountbatten but the persuasiveness of Mom Nawaz was of 
no avail LonI Mountbatten was firm, even in some respects', 
■ilcm He declined to countenance further negotiations The 
draft Standstill Agreement with the Collateral Letters had 
been approv evl by boUi negotiating parties and must be signed 
IS they stood It would mean Irreparable disaster for the 
\iram if he failed to ygn the AgrccmenL Lord Mountbatten 
nbo aided the members of the Delegation to disabuse their 
minds about the sticngth of India It was immensely powerful 
and still posiscssed one of the biggest armies In the world 



internal differences. They had no doubt that there would soon 
be a change of Government in New DelhL If, therefore, the 
negotiations were broken off at this time, an India, growing 
weaker every day, would not be able to take any effective 
action against Hyderabad, while Hyderabad could, • in the 
meantime, consolidate Its position. On the other hand, if-the 
issue of accession were postponed for a year by an acceptance 
of the Standstill Agreement, the Indian Union would emerge 
from its difficulties and become too strong to be successfully 



T he Ittehad was on the scene The Nizam, by his letter 
of 31st October, threatened to accede to Pakistan if the 
negotiations with the Government of India broke down 
A new delegation of Razvi's choice was now appointed 
Ihis consisted of Mom Nawaz Jung the Home Member, who 
on Ah Yavar Jung s resignation had been placed in charge of 
constitutional affairs Abdur Rahim the Ittehad leader, and 
Pingle Venkaiaram Reddy 

Pmgle Venkaiaram Reddy was one of the Hindu jagxrdars 
of the State Shrewd but good natured businessman, he 
was not interested in office or politics Nevertheless, he uas 
a trusted friend of Mr Abdur Rahim and could not sacrifice 
his position with the Ittehad by refusing the honour conferred 
on him To be on the right side of eventualities, hcwever, he 
submitted a note to the Nizam m which he said that the new 
delegation was not likely to achieve anything 

I had very friendly relations with Sri Pmgle Reddy He 
had been a Director of the Bombay Life Insurance Company 
when I was its Chairman before 1937 But m Hyderabad 
because he was the Hindu mascot of the Ittehad Ministry, he 
treated me as an utter stranger In New Delhi and Bombay, 
on the other hand he was my friend frankly telling me about 
the doings of his friends in Hyderabad From the very begin- 
ning he assured me with a sly twinkle in his eye, that they 
were doomed 

On November 2, the new Hyderabad Delegation met Lord 
Mountbatten but the persuasiveness of Mom Nawaz was of 
no avail Lord Mountbatten was firm, even, in some respects, 
stem He declined to countenance further negotiations The 
draft Standstill Agreement with the Collateral Letters had 
been approved by both negotiating parties and must be signed 
as they stood R would* mean irreparadie ulsasifer i&r liie' 
Nizam if he failed to sign the Agreement Lord Mountbatten 
also asked the members of the Delegation to disabuse their 
minds about the strength of India It was immensely powerful 
and still possessed one of the biggest armies in the world 

inlernal differences. They had no doubt that there would soon 
be a change of Government in New Delhi. If, therefore, the 
negotiations \vere broken off at this time, an India, growing 
weaker every day, would not be able to take any effective 
action against Hyderabad, while Hyderabad could, • in the 
meantime, consolidate its position. On the other hand, if ’ the 
issue of accession were postponed for a year by an acceptance 
of the Standstill Agreement, the Indian Union would emerge 
from its difficulties and become too strong to be successfully 



the terms of settlement aimed at. On the 29£h the Delegation 
returned to Hyderabad and the Standstill Agreement, as ou- 
gmally drafted, was signed by the Nizam with a few unimpor* 
tant modifications The Ccdlateral Letters were also signed. 

On the same day Sardar made a statement in the Consti- 
tuent Assembly announcmg the fact that Hyderabad had sign- 
ed the Standstill Agreement. Though he was cheered, there 
was a general distrust of the Agreement on our side The 
public view was that the Niaam had scored a victoiy and 
escaped accession 

The Nizam soon began to woo Sir Walter Monckton 
Would he induce people m high positions m England to ap 
point a diplomatic representative at the Nizams court and 
would the U K enter into an alliance with Hyderabad’ 

Razvi now proposed that Mir Laik Ah should be appointed 
Prime Minister in place of Sir Mehdi Yar Jung who, on the 
resignation of the Nawab of Chhatan, had been induced to take 
up the office as a stop-gap But the Nizam did not like the 
idea, Mir Lade All was Razvi’s man He complained to Su 
Walter Monckton that Razvi himself was undesirable 

It appears that the Nizam enquired of Mr Jinnah whethei 
it was advisable to appoint Mir Laik All a» Prime Minister 
As the services of that enterprising man were hkely to be em- 
ployed for some constructional work in Pakistan, Mi Jmnali 
at first advised the Nizam against his appomunent as Prime 
Mmister on the grounds that It was likely to prejudice the 
Nizam’s negotiations with India 

The Nizam was only too willing to accept this advice, for 
he evidently did not favour an Ittehad Prune Minister He 
also played with the idea that Pmgle Venkataram Reddy would 
be more suitable for the post, as recommended by Mr Abdur 
Rahim But further pressure was brought to bear on hun and 
on November 24 , 1947, he again asked Mr Jmnahs advice 
with regard to the appointment of Laik AU to the Prime 

The Nizam saw that he was- between the devil and the 
deep sea, between Jfazvf and the 7ndiarr b’xtion, and made 
choice Mir Laik All was released by Jinnah from his promise 
to serve Pakistan and was appointed Prime Minister. 

As a result of this victory, Razvi emerged as the holy 
v.-amor of Hyderabad In a public gathering he waa present- 

Finally, Lord Mountbatten turned to Reddy and asked 
him whether he had anything to S 3 y. ‘My views are the same 
as my Ruler’s,’ was his loyal reply. He himself narrated the 
incident to me, , * . , , ' 

On the return of the Detection to Hyderabad, the Nizam 
felt a httle uneasy and begged of Lord Mountbatten, who was 
then proceeding to England, to defer negotiations till he was 
hack in India. 

Having obtained a respite, the Nizam renewed his contact 
with Sir Walter Monckton who, disgusted with the treatment 
meted out to him, was cm his way to .London. Letters and 
telegrams passed between them. 

The Nizam implored his constitutional adviser to postpone 
his departure to England anc^ on his way see Mr. Jinnah at 
Karachi. Sir Walter was insistent — and rightly, too — that he 
would not like to do this. His advice had been rejected and the 
delegation, of which he was a member, had been superseded; 
nor would seeing the Governor*General of Pakistan be a pleas- 
ing affair, for the Ittehad was sure to have reported against 

Sir Waller Monckton, however, continued to press the 
Nizam to execute the Standstill Agreement. According to him, 
it wag necessary to have at least comparative peace in order to 
see how the Dominions gofalong, and to prepare Hyderabad 
for a more genuine display of strength later on. ' '> 

About the middle of November, Sir Walter Monckton met 
Mr. Jinnah who was then ill and had little time to spare, 
but nothing appears to have come out of this discussion. At 
the Nizam’s Instance, Sir Walter also saw Lord Mountbatten 
in London. His Ministers were firm, the Governor-General 
said, and there was no scope for further negotiations. 

In the meantime, Razvi and his principal lieutenant 
abused Sardar and the Government of India in their public 
speeches to their hearts*^ content. The public had no confi- 
dence in most members of the Nizam's Government, Razvi said. 
He -also issued public appeals to the Muslims of the Deccan, 
Jojtha-Qaid-e-Azam of Pakistan and even to the Muslims of 
Pakistan, to save- Hyderabad from India. 

• -■ On November 24^ the Delegation led by Moin Nawaz again 
went to New Delhi. Next day, when they had an interview 
with-Lord Mountbatten, he refused to consider any change in 


not having introduced this gentleman to me, whereupon there 
loud laughter from all who stood near us I could not 
understand what this meant and the gentleman’s face fell 
‘You have forgotten me,’ he said. ‘I am Joshi ' 

‘He is our new Minister,’ explained the host 
The next day Joshi and his wife came to see us 
‘Munshiji, you have ruined me he said 
‘How’’ I enquired 

T have told everyone here that I was educated under your 
care ' 

‘But how was I to know that I had had the privilege of 
looking after your education’’ It was difficult for me to keep 
a serious face 

Joshi had invested heavily in Razvi In November he had 
talked eloquently of his influence over me But more he 
had assured Razvi that because of his intunacy with Sardar 
he could bring about a settlement by direct approach 

As a fellow Gujarati, Joshi had then wntten to Sardar for 
an interview, but had made it appear that the request came 
from Razvi hiroseif Sardar had naturally replied that he had 
no objection to meeting Razvi and it may be that Joshi had 
given Razvi in his turn the impression that Sardar was 
anxious to meet him Certain Jt is that Razvi s vanity had been 
tickled, for he accompanied Joshi to Delhi 

From my talks with Sardar Sri Shankar, Sardar's secre 
tary, and Joshi, I gathered what bad happened at the mtervie%v 
Razvi and Joshi were ushered into the drawingroom by 
Shankar, and there sat Sardar like a statue his face set firm 
Joshi made a namaskar (salute) and smiled humbly Razvi 
came in and, giving a nodding salam to Sardar, took a chair 
There was silence 

‘Well,’ asked the Sardar, ‘what do you want’’ 

Razvi had the look of a fanatic, his rolling eyes emitting 
fire as If he were possessed He glared angnly for a moment 
Joshi was nervous, but Sardar’s ^es were unflmchmg 

Razvi broke Ihe silence hy saying 'I want a change of 
heart from you ’ 

\Vhen he so wished Sardar could make silence very un- 
comfortable At length he remarked, 'A change of heart h only 
necessary for one whose heart Is full of pwson.’ 

ed with the Qoran and a sword. ^Vs the leader of the crusade, 
he reacted lo his hifc'h position by api^inlini* area commanders ' 
for the whole State and Issuing an appeal for volunteers lo 
come forward lo defend its frontiers. 

The Nizam’s surrciider to U»e Ittcliad was complete whi‘ii 
he appointed not only Ute Prime MlnUtcr but every Mlnlslor 
according to Bazvi’s wishes. 

Pingle Venkataram Ueddy, tlje misted friend of Abdur 
Rahim, was appointed Deputy Prime Minister, wjnle ilom 
Nawaz Jung was appointed the Minister of Finance and Exler* 
nal AlTairs. Mr. Abdur Rahim himself and three utiicr Muslim 
associates of Razvi were also included in the Miniatiy. 

Among the Hindu ilinlslcrs, only two w’cre Imlejwndcni 
of the Razvi group. Ramacliar, the leader of the Stale Con- 
gress group which was opposed to the group of Ramanand 
Tirtha, was induced to Join the Ministry on the promise that 
satisfactory constitutional reforms would be introduced imme- 
diately. Sri Mallkarjunapjia was included In the>* as 
the representative of tlic Llngayat Hindus. 

Yenkatarao, who \s'as appointed the minister to rcprcaeul 
the Depressed Classes, was the leader of a small group of Hart* 
Jand who were closely associated with the Razakars, and who 
could be described os the Utchad llarijans. A clever man. with 
a shrewd eye to personal advancentent, Venkatarao had Itad 
an eventful career which he started by claiming that llarijans 
constituted a separate nation and allying himself with Bahadur 
Yar Jung. However, when the Harijan community became 
seriously perturbed over the forcible conversion of iu mem- 
bers to Islam, he made it up with the Congress leaders, con- 
demned the conversions and claimed that the llarijans were 
Hindus first. Later, when the Stale Congress .went into the 
wilderness, he reverted to the old theory that Harljans \s-crc 
not Hindus and won Kasim Razvl’s esteem. Now lie was iluly 

Mr. Josbl, who was also appointed a minister, ivas a Guja- 
rati businessman and the owner of an engineering firm In Jahia. 

He came up to me at one of the receptions and enquired 
about me and my wife with caqr familiarity in a tone of close 

After a little talk I turned to the host and blamed him for 



O N January 15, ^ve shifted from the Bolarum Residency 
to the neighbouring Deccan House The building form- 
ed, part of the Secunderabad Cantonment and had been 
used till then by the general m command of the troops stationed 
at Secunderabad. 

1 changed the name of Deccan House to its Indian equiva-' 
lent, Dakshtna Sadan This created a certain sensation m the 
circles of the Ni 2 ain and Razvi What right had I to change the 
name’ This House, with the Secunderabad cantonment, was 
shortly coming to the Nizam's Government The reports of the 
discussion that were retailed to me about this change of name, 
proved most mteresting 

It IS a pity that after the Police Action our military autho- 
rities ha\ e restored the House to its old name of Deccan House 
in spite of the association which the name Daksbtna Sadan had 
acquired m 1943 

The presence of India s Agent General m Hyderabad had 
a tonic effect on the morale of the people For some reason or 
other I was assoaated m the popular mind with the poivcr and 
prestige of the old time Resident, though 1 had not even a tithe 
of his power My presence in Hyderabad was also taken as a 
token that the formidable Sardar was on the move after ali 

Confidence was m the air Hundreds of refugees had re- 
turned to their homes in Secunderabad and now visitors began 
to visit me in order to poui their tales of w oe into my ears 
The Ittehad press, on the other hand, kept up a ceasele:>s 
campaign of vilification In anything I did or said, they dis- 
coveied a sinister motne and made It an excuse for xndulgmg 
in o{Iensne comments According to Diem one thing was cer- 
tain I was a raei*e ‘trade agent' who must be kept in his pro- 
per place, I had no right to gO about tn a car which earned the 
national flag, I had no busmess to receive people or to appear 
at receptions 

In the first press interview I had given in Hjderabad, I had 
Slated, T have come here to strengthen the bonds of friendship 
between the Indian Union and the Government of Hjderabad 

'Why don’t you let Hyderabad remain independent^ asked 

'I have gone beyond all iiossible limits, 1 have conceded 
to Hyderabad what I did not concede to any other State,’ return- 
ed Sardar. . ■ 

‘But I want you to understand the difficulties of Hydera- 
bad,’ pursued Razvi. .... - . . 

‘I don't see any difficulty, unless you have come to some 
understanding with Pakistan/ \vas Sardar’s reply. ■ ' • 

‘If you do not see our difficulties, we will not yield,’ criedj 
Ilazvi working himself up to a. state of excitement. .‘We shall 
fight and die to the last man for Hyderabad.’ ■ - , 

‘How can I stop you from committing suicide if you want' 
to?' Sardar blandly replied. ; 

‘You do not know the Muslims of Hyderabad,’ repeated, 
Ilazvi. ‘We shall sacrifice everything for our independence.’; : 

‘If it comes to sacrifice, India has shown what it can do, but 
Hyderabad has yet to show what it can,’ came the cool reply. 

Ilazvi now began a hysterical tirade on the shedding of 
blood for the Been and the Millat. _ , . 

Sardar listened in stolid silence to. what Ilazvi had to say-' 
and, when he paused for breath, said, ’I would advise you to 
see the sun before it is too late. Do not plunge into darkness 
while the light is still visible.' 

The Interview, which had been conducted in Razvl’s 
Persianlscd Urdu and high-flown English and Sardar’s Gujarati-. 
Hindi and crisp English, came to an end. . 

Razvi and Joshi then left. 

Razvi gave a report of this interview to a crowd of admiring 
Razakars on hTovember 25: 

On the invUaUon of SarUar Patel I went to Delhi. The 
object of my visit was to place before the world the condition 
of Hyderabad and Muslims. I had been invited by Sardar PateL 
If I had not accepted the Invitation, we should have been guilty 
of tolerating the malicious propaganda against us. Even in the, 
roost tJsky situations a Muslim never fears to stand for tita 
tnilh. I met Sardar Patel, u wUl not lie out of place if I call' 
Sardar Patel the Congress. * 

By the grace of God onr country has at last been represented 
by our people. It has been revealed that the pre^'ious delegation 
begged for aims at the door of Sardar Patel and bowed before 
Lord Mountbatten. The result of all this was that Sardar Patel 
began to climb to new high levels of pride. 



The Razakars were a veiy real menace I now had fiist 
hand knowledge of their raids on villages in tne State, as also 
on the Union villages across the border During these raids 
the Ittehad levied collective tribute and indulged in areon 
murder and loot. Very little pretext was required by them to 
inflict brutal reprisals on any village suspected of Congress or 
Communist sympathy Scnnetimes 1 met groups of Razakars 
on the road rushing to the country-side on their nefarious mis 
Sion m trucks, shouting slogans and brandishing weapons 

In the City there was a camp of fanatical or needy Muslmia 
drawn from all parts of India as well as from Pakistan, and 
even from Arabia, for recrmtment m the Razakar corps oi 
armed forces 

The State was making preparations for the manufactuie 
of arms and ammunitions and large purchases of trucks and 
motor vehicles were being made m order to gi\e swift mobility 
for the Razakars and the Police 

The negotiations for the purchase of Goa were being con 
ducted by an Englishman El Edroos the Commander in Chief 
of the Hyderabad Army, had gone to Europe to purchase arms 
from Czechoslovakia and France 

I had It from a highly-placed source that the Peacock Air 
borne Division, consisting of fifty bombers was being main 
tamed by Hyderabad m Pakistan or Iraq It was being kept 
ready to bomb Ahmedabad and Bombay if any mihtaiy action 
were taken by the Union against Hyderabad These myste- 
rious bombers figured m secret conferences throughout the 
year 1948 

Ghulam Muhammad later Uie Governor General of Pakis 
tan, was then the Finance Minister of Pakistan When he 
was Finance liiinister of Hyderabad, he had been a friend and 
benefactor of Laik Ah A few weeks before I came, he hid 
come to Hyderabad and persuaded the Nizam s Government to 
give a loan of 20 crores -worth of Indian securities to Pakistan 
The control of the State owned railways had already been 
handed over to the Nizam’s Government The State-controlled 
Deccan Airways was mainly staffed by the Ittehadis 

Under the Standstill Agreement, the posts telegraphs and 
telephones of the Union, were to be handed over to the Nizam’s 
Government If all of them were handed over, it would involve 


1 have come here to win Uie heart of the Nizam, if he allows me 
to do so.’ These harmless Vi’ords of mine were found objection- 
able. Who was I to talk of winning the heart of the Nizam? 

From the very day of roy arrival in Hyderabad attempts 
were made by official and non-official Ittehad agencies to over- 
awe me into giving up my office or lapsing into obscure quie- 
scence. I decided to show, that I proposed doing nothing of the 

kind. • . 

Several private receptions followed, some of -which were 
attended by Laik All, Moin Nawaz Jung, Ramachar and Joshi. 
One host, in order to avert the wrath of Razvi, went to him 
personally with an invitation to attend his reception. 

T, to attend a reception to Munshi! He has not yet called 
on me,’ cried the hunchback Fuehrer. 

A few days after my arrival, the citizens of Secunderabad 
held a public reception in my honour. On the day before it 
was to take place, the Razakars went round some of the locali- 
ties threatening those who attended it with retribution. Never- 
theless, about twenty-five thousand people congregated on the 
race-course and Ramanand Tiriha took the chair. For the first 
time people shouted 'Mahatma Gandhi ki jai/ ‘Jawaharlal 
Nehru kl jai' and 'Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel ki joi' fearlessly. 

For myself, 1 spoke warily. I referred to the Nizam as be- 
ing in the great tradition of Hindu-Muslim unity founded by 
Akbar, a compliment at which any ruler, or any of his admirers, 
either Hindu or Muslim, would have felt flattered. I carefully 
avoided the word ‘accession’ and merely described myself as a 
midwife to assist at the birth of a close and permanent asso- 
ciation between India and Hyderabad. 

My moderation was of no arail. Next day the Ittehad 
Press went for me hammer and tongs. I was guilty of a breach 
oi the Standstill Agreement; I had no right to attend a recep- 
tion in my honour, much less to deliver a speech; I was going 
beyond my powers as 'a trade agent’; I must be asked to leave 
Hyderabad. Above all, I had insulted ‘His Majesty’ the Nizam 
by comparing him with Akbar. Akbar was not a true Muslim; 
the Nizam, on the other hand, was the head of an Islamic Stale. 
My reference to a close assodatiem with India was construed as 
an ‘attempt to resuscitate and revive paramountcy.' 

I soon realised the gravity of the situation. 



Bibmagar outrage has shocked me. Either we suppress the 
gangsters ruthlessly or we abdicate Could there be anything 
more scandalous for aa admiaistration than seeing the tragedy 
at Nizamabad’ 

He also ;vvrote to the-J^izam directly, pointing out that the 
Ittehad had a kold over the array and the pohce that no one 
was happy with the present Government that the State Con- 
gress also wa^ opposed to it that the Communists were work- 
mg havoc and that the lUeJjad continued to dominate the Gov 
eminent As a loya) subject, Bamachar wrote, he could not 
continue to be associated with a Government which permitted 
or connived at such things 

When on the 7th Februaiy, Mir Laik Ah asked Sn Rama- 
char to reconsider his resignation, the latter replied by de- 
manding the dissolution of the Kazakars Mir Laik Ah made 
no reply* 

In a public statement Sn Ramachar said 

Meanwhile the situation In the country continued to 
deteriorate rtpldiy Forces of violence and goondaism were 
let loose in the counrty %vj)d]y Arson loot and murder formed 
the normal events of the day Armed men rode round the 
country spilling death wherever they went. Village after 
village was burnt down several villages were abandon^ out of 
sheer fright There has been no security of life or property in 
the State for those who will not practically be slaves Even In 
the jail the hand of the goonda Is at work. The Majlis has open 
ly taken to a policy of fanatlsUc pleaching fire and sword 
Do or die jehad has been proclaimed against everyone who op- 
poses its goal of the establishment of an Islamic State As if 
this 19 not enough their leader goes on proclaiming that Uiis 
Hyderabad of ours Is to bo the home of the 1 croros of Musbms 
of the Union 


•i'5 ti.i-.v. THS END. or AN EBA, 

a serious danger of the South being cut off. from the North at 
the will of the Ittehad. 

The Nizam’s Government had been pressing for the with- 
drawal of the Union troops from Secunderabad and Lord Mount-, 
batten had agreed to the suggestion. If these troops were 
withdrawn, even the little restraint which theip presence was 
exercising over the activities of the Ittehad would, have gone. 

On the 10th of January, therefore, I met.Sarfar at Bom- 
bay. As a result of our discussions,, he .issued insti*uctions 
to the Provincial Goverrunenls to prevent, their territorial inte- 
grity from being interfered withi! He .directed that the 
Secunderabad barracks and the communicatlops in Hyderabad 
were not to be handed over until the situation had become 
clear after the troops had left Secunderabad. , An airline with 
its headquarters outside Hyderabad was also, directed to be 
given a permit to serve Hyderabad from. Bangalore. 

One of the first of the prominent citizens of Hyderabad to. 
take me into his confidence was Sri Eamachar, the Congress 
Minister in the Laik All Ministry. He was in a predicament,. 
He had allowed himself to be persuaded to Join the Ministry, 
though with considerable misgivings, by the impressive profes- 
sions of goodwill which Laik All could always offer with con- 
summate art. He had been promised that immediately he join- 
ed the Ministry, the question of the. reorganization oE’thc Gov- 
ernment on a popular basis would be undertaken. But when- 
ever he raised the question, Mir Laik Ali, an adept in sweet 
evasiveness, failed to come to brass tacks. 

Ramachar was also seriously disturbed by the report of 
the Razakars' activities in the villages. He had heard of them 
before, but now, as a Minister, he came to know of them at 
first-hand. ' 

In the Nalgonda and Warangal districts the situation was • 
frightful. In one village, nineteen Hindus were made to stand 
in a line and shot dead by the police. There were similar 
atrocities in Bibmagar. In the Nizamabad jail, the officials, 
assisted by their !&Iuslim prisooem and Razakars, had attacked 
the Hindu prisonei-s, 123 of whom were injured in the attack. 

Sri Ramachar was miserable beyond words. In his re- 
signation of Januaiy 24 he stated.' 

I refuse to be a silent si>ectator of the goondalsm and the' 
establishment of the rival armed forces of the Government. The' 



in which, to secure the withdrawai of the Indian troops Iroto 
H>(ierabad and eventually to build up their position and strength 
to a stage when they would be able to assert the Independence 
of the Slate Sardar was doubtful of the bona fid^s of the 
Hyderabad Got eminent 

Never in the rich and \aried annals of diplomatic history, 
so far as 1 know, was a diplomatic agent sent on such a vague 
and nebulous mission as I was. No instrument of instructions 
was given to me My only authority was the Clause in tlie 
Standstill Agreement which ran ‘The Government of India 
and the Nizam agree for the better execution of the purposes 
of this Agreement to appoint Agents in Hyderabad and Delhi 
respectively, and to give e\ ery facility to them for the discharge 
of their functions ’ 

The Agreement carried no implications as legards the scope 
of my duties No one seems to have applied his mind to what 1 
was expected to do m Hyderabad The official part of my mission 
was clear enough, the Nizam had conceded the three subjects 
of Defence, External Affairs and Communications to the 
Indian Union, as its representative, therefore, I had to exer- 
cise, in respect of these three subjects the powers which the 
Resident formerly exercised I had also to see that the Nizam's 
Government implemented the Standstill Agreement m full I 
was also expected to use whatever persuasive powers I hap 
pened to have been gifted with, to bnng about a change of 
heart in the Nizam and his Advisers so that an organic rela 
tionship between the Stale and the Indian Union could he 

The Government of India knew of the Nizam’s decision to 
declare his independence; His object m entering into the 
Standstill Agreement everyone knew, was to gam time to 
‘prepare for a show-dow n’. Gandhiji and Sardar both had told 
me that I was to work for a permanent settlement till the end 
of 3farch after which d’afe Che isstie tocf Co be chrrehea” 
As I understood my task, therefore, it was to keep the Govern- 
ment of India posted with ftiU mformation about any attempt 
to build up the military strength of the State, to disrupt the 
common economy with India or to establish foreign contact^ 

I had also the responsibiUty of collecting all authentic in- 
formation about the conditions in the State, particularly the 
activities of the Razakars. There was also a humanistic as- 



O N about January 10, I applied myself to my first task, 
which was that of coming to a clear understanding with 
Laik All with regard to two poinU. What were the im- 
plications of the Standstill Agreement, and how were we to 
secure its implementation by both sides? 

Between my arrival in Hyderabad on January 5 and 
the Police Action on September 13, there -were four distinct 
stages in the effort which was being made to bring about happier 
relations between India and Hyderabad through negotiation. 

The first stage lasted from January 10 to January 31. 
It was an attempt on my part to induce Laik All to implement 
the Standstill Agteement. It failed. 

The second stage, from February 1 to March 29, was taken 
up In my attempt to induce Laik Ali to come to an agreed basis 
of permanent relations between the Union and Hyderabad. 
Again, I failed. 

The third stage, from April 1 to June 19, was an at- 
tempt on the part of Lord Mountbatten with the help of Sir 
Walter Moncklon to come to a similar agreement by offering 
concessions to Hyderabad of a very far-reaching character. 
This attempt also failed. 

In the fourth stage, the Nizam made a feeble effort to 
escape from the vicious grip of the Iltehad and come to some 
settlement. He also failed. 

At all stages, the Ittehad came in the way. 

The task which confronted me in Hyderabad was botli 
delicate and difficult. Its nature could only be assessed against 
the background of the Government of India’s approach to the 
Standstill Agreement. Like a scripture, the Standstill Agree- 
ment had been read by the different parties, each in his own 
'^ense. As V P. Menon says: 

Nehru felt that tho Agreement \vould purchase communal 
peace in the South for at least one year. Lord Mountbatten was 
sanguine that it would allow heads to cool and hearts to soften 
and that before the expiry of the Agreement the Nizam, Uke all 
the other rulers, would accede to India. The Nizam and his ad- 
visers conceived the Agreement as providing breathing-space 



Isizam’s army and police were to be ordered not to chase re- 
fugees across the border, nor to search houses there, nor, as 
was cojnmon, to fire into the Union terntoiy. Those persons 
who were arrested and wliose properties were seized withm 
the Union were to be transferred to the respective Provincial 

Then we began to discuss the implications of the Stand-^ 
still Agreement As we went through it clause by clause, I 
discovered to my surprise that no agreement could be such a 
‘dis-agreement’, for no clause was understood by both parties 
to mean the same thing 

If the imphcations of a clause were m favour of India, it 
was repudiated by Laik Ah, such a construction he contended, 
was abrogated either by the lapse of Paramountcy or the terms 
of the Collateral Letters. If, on the other hand, there was an 
implication which favoured Hyderabad he insisted on immedi- 
ate compliance irrespective of what happened to the other 
clauses The doctrme of reciprocal performance of promises, 
as known to the law of contract, was evidently unknown to Laik 
All and Mom Nawaz 

But I could see what they were driving at They wanted 
to establish contact with foreign governments under the guise 
of trade They also wanted, above all else, the economic in- 
dependence of Hyderabad The resources of the State were 
to be built up independently of the Union The hard currency 
earned by exporting commodities from Hyderabad was to be 
at the disposal of the State for dealing, with foreign countries 
as It chose In addition, they were convinced that India’s 
economy was on the eve of collapse and so wanted to safeguard 
their interests, if possible, by strengthening their economic 
ties with Pakistan 

At the seipe Ijmi* Ojqy were insistent that the 
Government of India was to remove the Union troops from 
Secunderabad forthwith, and to supply them with the 
arms and ammunition they required for the State troops They 
claimed that the State Forces Scheme, which had been saved 
by the Standstill Agreement had lapsed with the disappear- 
ance of British Paramountcy 

I also found that whatever protestations he made, Mir 
Laik Alls first loyalty was to Mr. Jmnah. and he looked to 


pect to my duUes. That was to bring some hope and conMence 
to the panic-stricken people of Hyderabad, frightened by 
growing menace of the Ilazakar^ that the Government of India 
were not blind to their plight. , • ' ‘ , 

Of one thing 1 was sure. As Agent-General l.was not a 
subordinate officer of the State Minister, appointed ^9 

carry out the secretarial mandates. If it had been so, Sardar 
would never have offered the office to me; Gandhiji would never 
have approved of my accepting it; and I would certainly have 
refused the honour which brought me only risk and no return. 

I had served the Congress; I knew the Congress mind. I 
also enjoyed the complete confidence of Gandhiji and the 
Sardar. They knew that for years I had not been able to re* 
concile myself to the conquistador spirit which had characte- 
rised the Muslim League and forced the Partition on the coun- 
try. In 1947, for various reasons, I had to admit the wisdom 
of the Partition; looking to the circumstances, 1 still hold that 
it has been the wisest course. At the same time, both of them 
knew well that after the Partition I had been allergic to the exhi- 
bition of that old spirit on the part of any section of Indian 

I was clear in my mind that if India was to live, the Muslims 
in India must cheerfully accept to be an integral part of the 
Indian nation, making no separate claims, owing no expressed 
or unexpected loyalty to Pakistan, harbouring no antagonism 
to the other elements in the country. This view was, if at all, 
more strongly held by Sardar. If, therefore, they chose to 
send me to Hyderabad. I was sure that they could not possibly 
have failed to take into account my point of view. 

No wonder, one newspaper called me the 'advance-guard 
of the Indian Army’. And a brilliant columnist — a Britisher 
with the utter incapacity, which many Britishers had then 
developed, to appreciate the Indian point of view — went to the 
extent of saying ‘Munshi has been chosen to be the Trojan 
Horse in the Seige of Hyderabad.’ %Vhatever I was, the Trojan 
Horse, I was not. My life, my work and outlook were known 
to all concerned. 

In the preliminary discussions which Laik Ali and Moin 
Nawaz had with me, we eaaly came to certain terms. The 
territorial integrity of the Union was to be respected. The 



Iviaam’s army and police were to be ordered not to chase re- 
fugees across the border, nor to search houses there nor, as 
was common, to fire mto the Union territory. Those persons 
who were arrested and whose properties were seized within 
the Union were to be transferred to the respective Provincial 

Then we began to discuss the implications of the Stand-^ 
still Agreement As we went through it clause by clause, I 
discovered to my surprise that no agreement could be such a 
'dis-agreement', for no clause was understood by both parties 
to mean the same thing 

If the imphcatlons of a clause were m favour of India, it 
was repudiated by Laik Ah such a construction, he contended, 
was abrogated either by the lapse of Paramountcy or the terms 
of the Collateral Letters If, on the other hand, there was an 
implication which favoured Hyderabad he insisted on immedi- 
ate compliance irrespective of what happened to the other 
clauses The doctrine of reciprocal performance of promises, 
as known to the law of contract, was evidently unknown to Laik 
Ah and Mom Hawaz 

But I could see what they were driving at They wanted 
to establish contact with foreign governments under the guise 
of trade They also wanted, above all else, the economic In- 
dependence of Hyderabad The resources of the State were 
to be built up independently of the Union The hard currency 
earned by exporting commodities from Hyderabad was to be 
at the disposal of the State for dealing with foreign countries 
as it chose In addition, they were convinced that India’s 
ecpnomy was on the eve of collapse and so wanted to safeguard 
their interests, if possible, by strengthening their economic 
ties with Pakistan 

At the same time, they were insistent that the 
Government of India was to remove the Union troops from 
Secunderabad forthwith and to supply them with the 
arms and ammunition th^ required for the State troops They 
claimed that the State Forces Scheme, which had been saved 
by the Standstill Agreement, had lapsed with the disappear- 
ance of British Paramountcy. 

I also found that whatever protestations he made, Mir 
Laik All’s first loyalty was to ll>Ir, Jinnah, and he looked to 



Ghulam Muhammad, the Finance Minislei- of Pakistan, as his. 
guide. _■ 

Of all the men that I met in Hyderabad, Nawab Moiu N'awar 
was by far the cleverest. I found that his reputation for.being- 
the brain behind the Ittehad was more than justified. Polished, 
in manners and speech, incapable of losing self-control, he .had 
the perfect diplomatic flair. But in his hostility to India he 
was rooted firm as a rock. He never expressed it in so many, 
woi-ds, but to him Hyderabad was a JIuslim territory which 
could, in no event, be anything but independent of India. He 
was also the keeper of Laik Ali’s conscience. Whenever the 
latter was inclined to yield, it was Moin' Nawaz who brought 
him back to the undeviating path which led Hyderabad away 
from India. 

On the question of tlie reported atrocities by the Razakar&, 
their attitude was one of injui-cd innocence. Once' Lalk 
Ali conceded that a serious incident had occurred, but Mom 
Nawab immediately corrected him. According to the later all 
the reports of atrocities were either imaginary or exaggerated. 
The Ittehad was a spontaneous movement of the Muslims 
against accession to India and had nothing to do with the 
Nizam’s Government. They were only patriotic people of 
Hyderabad who went to the rescue of harmless Muslims whci\ 
they were harassed by the Communists. 

X was faced with great difficulty in verifying the reports 
of the atrocities committed by the Razakars, which wei'e pour- 
ing in from all sides. Laik Ali, Moin Nawaz, the Nizam's 
radio, the Ittehad newspapers and the official spokesmen of the 
State, all insisted that nothing untoward was happening in the 
State. On the other hand, every Hindu and non-Ittehad 
Muslim whom I met, vouched for the substantial' truth of the 
press reports collected by the courageous correspondents of the 
leading Indian newspapers. ’ . ' 

In the conditions which prevailed, an independent enquiry 
was impossible. No person, however highly placed, could go 
into the interior without being surrounded by local officials' or, 
Razakars. if he was bent tm enquiry, the vilfagers would be 
kept away from him under threat 'of dire penalties., If, in 
spite of these difficulties, he managed to establish contact with 
them, he was forced by persistent harassment to go' back. 


In January, after consulting Laik All, I went to Bezwada 
(now Vijayawada) by car, accompanied by a District Supeiin- 
tendent of Police of the Nizam’s Government, deputed by him 
to go with me When my visit was announced in the papers. 
Hindu leaders* from vaiious towns and villages en route came 
and invited me to halt foi a few minutes by the roadside, just 
for a small reception I agreed 

However, to my surprise, although I motored along the 
highway for about two hundred miles, I did not encounter a 
bmgle Hindu Only at one place the Nizams police produced 
a trembling Hindu who, with his eyes fixed on the police 
officers, complained of harassment by the Communists As I 
passed village after village, I saw Razakar volunteers cycling 
in advance of me 

After I leturned to Secundeiabad several of those who had 
invited me to halt at their town or village, came to apologise 
for not having received me The Razakars had preceded me 
and warned them that if they wcic found anywhere neai the 
road while my party was passing they ivouJd hate to pay 
heavily for it 

Some months later. Homi Talcyaiklian, a Bombay journa 
list, came to Hyderabad to make an on-the-spot report of the 
situation He saw Razvi and was taken m by his hearty 
maniiei The Bidar atrocities were then fresh and I suggest 
ed to Taleyarkhan that, if he were allowed he should go and 
see things for himself So, when Razvi offered him a car to 
go where! cr he liked, he agreed to visit Bidar 

Next morning Kazvi’s car, witli tlie Razakar flag flying, 
came to the Dakshina Sadan to take Taleyarkhan to Bidar, but 
after going about ten miles out of Hyderabad the driver stopped 
the car and told him that his orders were not to lake him to 
Bidar, but to Nalgonda and Warangal. to see the excesses com 
mitted by the CommunisU Taleyarkhan returned to the 
Dak’ihtna Sadan furious 

The late Amritlal Sheth then editor of the Janmabhoomt, 
had a similai experience Sheth met Jlir Laik All, who was 
emphatic in denying that there had beea any atrocities at 
Bidar and invited him to go there personally and see things 
for himself Laik All also promised to send a car next morning 
I had already told Sheth how Taleyarkhan bad to safe- 
guard him'=elf against being taken to some other place Sheth 


therefore invited a local lawyer whom he knew to accompany 
him to the afflicted villages. 

Next morning, a very polite official came to Sheth, who 
was staying at the Hyderabad Government’s Guest House, at 
Greenlands, and regretted that owing to the tension arising 
out of Indo-Hyderabad relations he could not allow such a 
distinguished visitor to visit Bidar. Meanwhile, the lawyer 
whom Sheth 'had invited to join him on the trip, arrived at 
Greenlands. Before he could enter the compound, he was 
chased away by Razakars. He only escaped being manhandled 
by running into a shop and concealing himself. 

Under such conditions I had a hard time obtaining authen- 
tic information. However, I soon succeeded in building up 
machinery for the collection of news from the districts. This 
was most essential from my point of view, for apart from veri- 
fying the reports received by me, my very reliability was in 
question, for, whenever Laik AU went to New Delhi, he pro- 
tested that the reports of the atrocities that were published 
in the Indian newspapers and broadcast through All-India 
Radio, were imaginary. 

There was also a section of influential persons in New 
Delhi who carried on a campaign that the reports that I was 
submitting to the Government of India were not trustworthy. 
According to these worthies, the Razakars were not on trial 
for what they were reported to have done; it was India’s 
Agent-General who was on trial for sending unreliable reports. 
I had, therefore, to check the report of every incident that was 
brought to me, to obtain a reliable corroboration and scrutinise 
the evidence. 

After receiving a report, I would request some reliable 
member of the public to make an enquiry on the spot. 'The 
representatives of the Associated Press of India, the United 
Press of India, or the Hindu would also be good enough to make 
local enquiries and verify facts. Sometimes Narayanarao, the 
undaunted leader of the Arya Samaj, and his brave followers, 
went at great personal risk to tho^ places where others 
could not go, and collected statements. After this evidence 
was obtained, one or two my officers went to do the check- 
ing at or near the place of occurrence. On several occa- 
sions, villagers were brought to me at dead of night to narrate 
their personal experiences. 


Jiany lawyers had boycotted the courts as an act of civil 
resistance against the misdeeds of the Razakars Early in 1948 
a Pleaders’ Protest Committee had been formed to draw the 
attention of the Government to the grievances of the pubhc 
At my suggestion, its vigilance sulxomimttee took upon itself 
the very difficult task of collecting evidence of the reported 
atrocities Many brave lawyers went to the scene, more often 
than not accompanied by the adventurous correspondent of the 
Hindu They collected the statements of persons concerned 
took photographs and submitted their reports to me 

To go through the statements and the reports was a trial 
for me but Razvi himself often came to my rescue At some 
public meeting he would heroically announce what the Raza- 
kars had done in a particular village, and the report of his 
speech would appear the next day in the Urdu organs of the 

And yet Laik AIi continued to maintain that the reports 
of the atrocities were unfoimded The surprise was, not that 
he should have said this, but that venous important persons 
m New Delhi should have believed him 

In addition to Ramachar, several Congress leaders and 
workers who had parted company with Swami Ramanand 
Tirtha and his group, were m constant touch with me Of 
them, besides Ramachar the most prominent was B Rama 
krishna Bao, a very able and reliable lawyer respected by 
everyone for his smcenty and moderation 

A few days after he had presided over the reception given 
to me by the public of Secunderabad Swami Ramanand Tirtha 
was arrested However, Buidu and Melkote, two leaders of 
his group, continued to conduct the resistance movement start 
ed by the State Congress from the border villages of the Union 
districts They kept in constant touch with me and met me 
several times when I was m Bombay 

I also met some independent Hindu and Muslim men of 
position in Hyderabad Most of them begged me to do some- 
thing to end this reign of terror, for they had not outgrown the 
habit of thinking of me as a sort of Resident. 



I N the beginning I kept in touch with some of the Commu- 
nist leaders who were then associated with the Swami 
group in a United Front As they were very effective in 
the districts of Nalgonda and Warangal, I applied my mind 
to the study of the Communist movement in Hyderabad. 

Since 1937, when I had been Home Minister dn Bombay 
and Bombay'City, a cockpit of Communism, I had continued to 
keep Communist activities under close observation. ' 

fn 1940, the Communists of Hyderabad founded the Com- 
rades’ Association in their usual conspiratorial manner. Its 
objects were so vaguely defined that, with tire blmdness com- 
mon to such men all the world over, the nationalists and pro- 
gressives, among whom were Congressmen as well as progres- 
sive Muslims, were Inclined to walk into the Comrades' parlour 
at first. 

The most pionxlnent Communist in the Association was 
Narayan Heddy, who had acquired popular glamour 
by courting arrest in the 103$ Satyagraha as a State Con- 
gress worker. The other important Communist was Moklidum 
Mohi-ud-Din. These two leaders soon established contact with 
the Communist Party of India, which immediately seized the 
opportunity of winning a separate Andhra State as a potential 
Communist province, an Indian Yenan wherefrom to ‘liberate’ 
the entire country. 

The Association, once it had become an organ of the C.P.I.. 
• proceeded at once to set in motion the Trojan Horse techni- 
que with which the world is by now familiar. During the 
'Trojan War described by Homer, the Greeks developed the 
device of conquering Troy by secreting some of their number 
in a wooden horse. Their enemies, the Trojans, thinking the 
horse to be great fun, drew it into the beleaguered fortress. 
Once within the town, the Greets emerged from the horse. 
Opened the gates of Troy to their comrades, massacred the 
Trojans and captured the fortress which they had not been 
able to subdue for twelve years. This device has been used 
by the Communists on a thousand occasions all over the world, 



and more often than not, jt has succeeded due to the gullibility 
of politicians 

The Communists of Hyderabad, m pursuit of this techni- 
que, first endeared themselves to the progressive leaders of the 
Andhra Mahasabha, which was then operating from Vijaya- 
wada as a State Congress organization Before long, Narayana 
Reddy was hailed as a great Congress workei on account 
of his energy and resourcefulness But once he was elected 
the president of the itahasabha, the Communists secured as- 
cendency in the organization, persecuted those of its members 
who had State Congress affiliations and drove them out of it. 

During the years 1945, '46 and 47, the Communist Party 
of India, under, orders from the International Organization 
sponsored by the USSR, had to stage several retreats and 
make many compromises When World War II began, it was 
for them an object of Abhorrence, the war of the imperialist 
Allies I remember the discussions I had with various Com 
muiust ieadeis m Bombay m the first year of the War, when 
some of us were looking forward to their joinmg the local 
Congiess for an anti BrUisli drive 

’ When the USSR joined the Allies overnight, the war 
became the Peoples War for the Communists all over the 
world as well as the Communist Party m India Thoir Father- 
land’s entiy moie than justified them in lending their whole- 
hearted support to the British Goveininent which was th'^n 
suppiessmg the ‘Quit India' movement for national freedom. 

When at length the British did decide to ‘quit’ India, the 
Party, under instructions from the Ccsnmunist Party of Great 
Britain, gave support to the Nehiu Government, which, it de 
clared was more progressive than that of Pakistan 

The Andhra Mahasabha and the Communist Party of 
Hyderabad, both agencies of the Communist Party, began their 
work m dote alliance The Communist Party of Hyderabad 
restricted itself to infiltrating the State Congress, the trade 
■emuns, Vfje •awl wev. kkt-eiw/i 

Mahasabha took charge of the rural areas and launched a vigor 
ous campaign In the districts of Nalgonda and Warangal against 
the feudal barons and the landlords for whom there was plenty 
of dislike in the villages 

There were enough grievances m Hyderabad to delight 
the Communist heart The controls and other restrictive 


measures such as the levy of foodgrams^ introduced- on., ac- 
count of World War II, were being enforced by corrupt officials 
and had created universal discontent. The Mahasabha, there- 
fore, with characteristic energy, formed village sanghs^ enroll- 
ing as members not only the unruly and discontented elements, 
but the peasants, petty landlords and merchants. Unwilling 
villagers were intimidated into joining them and dissidents were 
man-handled or were visited with penalties such as being pre- 
vented from grazing their cattle in their own. field. 

As the sanghs grew strong, they took violent action against 
anyone who came in the way of their activities and parti- 
cularly the village officers. By November, 1946, the Commu- 
nists had obtained control of several. village^, rendering them 
inaccessible to the State officials. 

During the time Sir Mirza .was'.the Prime Alinister, the 
Nizam’s Government made feeble attempta to. bring the Com- 
munist lawlessness under control. A commission was appoint- 
ed to enquire into Its extent. As a result, some of the leaders 
were punished; the lands oi some of them were confiscated for 
grave acts of violence. But as soon as action was taken against 
them, they went underground, or crossed over to Vijayawada, 
from which place they continued to direct their operations. 

The Communist movement in Hyderabad was only a part 
of the larger movement which was sponsored by the Commu- 
nist Party of India, which in its turn obeyed the mandates from 
a foreign authority. 

For four years or more, the C. P. I. had functioned as a 
lawful organization; that was their reward for having given un- 
stinted support to the British Government against the Congress- 
sponsored movement for national freedom. 

During those days the C- P. I. infiltrated different organi- 
zations, secured numerous sympathisers, strengthened its finan- 
cial position and perfected its propaganda machinery. It also 
acquired a firm base among the industrial workers and the 
students, and some little hold on certain sections of the middle 

When Gandhijl came out of jail in 1944, he saw the dan- 
gers to which the national movement was exposed at the hands 
of the resurrected Communist Party. In his positive way he 



soon isolated the Commuxusts and got nd of such of them as 
had infiltrated the Congress organizations 

By the middle of 1947, however, the Communists openly 
started a campaign of violence la many parts of the country 
As th^ had expected a general chaos to follow the transfer of 
power to Indian hands, they had drawn up a detailed scheme 
for the subversion of law and order They believed, as did 
many British statesmen and officers, that the Nehru Govern 
ment would never gather sufficient strength to overcome the 
confusion which would follow, and as the natural heirs of 
Stalin, they expected to inherit India 

As a precautionary measure; however, many of the Com 
mumst leaders had gone underground and instructions had 
been issued to the provmcial branches and district centres to 
prepare an underground organisation for each area and to 
the leaders to go underground whenever necessary This 
was not difficult, because during the time when the C P I 
was functionmg as a lawful party, it had established contact 
With many Government employees As a result, top-secret and 
confidential circulars and orders were made accessible to 
them as soon as they were issued 

The CPI had secured a strong foothold m the South 
It had staged successful strikes m the textile mills at Madras 
incited strikes among the Malabar special police and the jail 
waiders in the Cannanore Central Jail, and even induced the 
Police of Madras City to refuse to accept their pay In Malabar 
It had incited the ryots to attempt forcible occupation of 
lands owned by others and when the police appeared on the 
scene to restore order pitched battles with guns and spearo 
followed In Tanjore the culUvalors were prevented from 
sowmg seed or reaping the harvest 

Sn Prakasam, then the Chief Mmlster of Madras, stated 
‘The Communists, for months, had been fomenting trouble in 
a number of distncts and lately m Malabar and Tanjore they 
had taken the law into their own bands and adopted terroristic 
methods, taking forcible possession of lands and looting and 
setting fire to property ' 

When m July, 1947, the ban on the State Congress was 
lifted, it emerg^ as the most popular party in the State and 
the Communists burned to give it support 

When Satyagraha was launched on the twin Issues of the 



State’ 5 . accession, to. India .and., the introduction .oI u 
responsible Governrnent in the . State, the Communist work- 
ers adopted the United Front technique. In- the. guise oI 
Congressmen they intensified , the State i Congress struggle, 
particularly in the areas which they dominated. . In the yillages 
in which they operated ,th^. planted the National.. Flag 
with or without the Red Flag and trained people to defy the law 

and commit acts of violence. . ...... . • 

Sailing on the tide of Congi'ess popularity, they, .gained 
control of one village after another; the local' squad. of rowdy 
and illiterate villagers organized by them demolished customs 
outposts in the border villages, made forcible collections of 
money, arms and ammunition, looted or burnt properly and 
killed the resisters. As a side activity, the .members of the 
squads took the opportunity of wreaking vengeance on their 
personal enemies. . . • . - . . • ^ 

About December, 1947, another change came over . the 
international policy of the Communists, The Ukraine had been 
denied a seat on the Security Council of the United Nations 
Organization, and the proposal for the Little Assembly had 
been adopted against the wishes of the U.S. S. R. Russia, 
therefore, decided to break with the Democracies, and the 
Communist parties in all democratic countries were instructed 
to accept a militant programme. The Western powers imme- 
diately became wicked imperialist warmongers as far as the 
Communists were concerned, and the Nehru Government noth- 
ing but their stooge. 

About the same time, P. T. Randive came forward as the 
advocate of a militant policy of violent insun'eclion and 
guerilla warfare against the Government of India. Its goal 
was to establish a ‘democratic revolution by overthrowing the 
Nehru Government.’ 

When, with the aid of the Razakais, the Nizam’s Govern- 
ment tried to suppress the Congress activities of the State, its 
wing Jed by Swanii Ramanand Tirtha shifted its offices'to the 
border villages of the Union districts. The -so-called' Satya, 
graha which was conducted by the State Congress was scarcely 
of the Gandhian Variety. In view of the ruthless mdnner 
in which the Razakars behaved, it was well-nigh' impossibld 
to practise it in Hyderabad. The villagers,' harassed by the 
Razakars, needed the power to resist, not the joy of martyrdom. 



ilore often than not, therefoie, the Communists, as partners 
m the United Front, assumed cwitrol of the violent movement 
of resistance organized by the villagers agamst the Nizam’s 
police and the Razakars 

Possessing modern weapons, the Communists never lacked 
funds In case of need they could always replenish their war 
chest by a raid or two on the bouses of the wealthy m the rural 
areas Their squads were strictly organized and led by train- 
ed peisonnel, some of whom weie discharged ex-army men. 

The State Congress workers inside the State often worked 
m alliance with these squads, but were soon eliminated In the 
areas under then own influence, the Communists would not 
permit the Congress woikcrs even to appear 

As the depicdations of the Razakais mcreased in intensity, 
the villagers mvited the Communists to take the lead and 
supply them with aims The village squaas soon established 
centres of resistance and gave battle to the anned foices of 
the State and the Razakars 

This was also m line with the Communist technique prac- 
tised m many other lands During World War II, the Com- 
munists, in face of the Fascist menace, had loudly proclaimed 
their hatred of Fascism In several countiics. m Europe and 
been accepted by the democrats as brave and loyal allies By 
joining the lesistance movements, they redeemed their reputa- 
tion as patriots This also enabled them to infiltrate the lanks 
of the nationalists and entrench themselves into strong posi- 
tions in the counti-y, for, their methods were swift and un~ 
bCiTipulcus and could always show immediate results In this 
way. they impressed those iJwt followed them and easily in- 
duced belief in the democrats that a United Tiont would i^rvo 
the cause of liberty better than an unaided national effort 
In every ca'ie such an alliance had proved dangerous to 
national interests latei and half the tragedy of the poat-war 
world can be traced to this technique I. theiefore, warned 
some of the Congi-ess workers of the danger that lay in asso- 
ciating themselves with the Communists in a resistance move- 
ment based on brutal violence 

In January, 1948, when I went to Hyderabad, the Com- 
munist. had acquiicd a hold over more or less contiguous areas 
cotnpii'.ing the districts of Rilgonda and Warantjal in Hjdera- 


bad and of Krishna, Guntur, East Godavari and West Godavari 
in the province of Madras. 

■ When I went touring through Hyderabad as far as Vijaya- 
wada, I found that the United Front technique had paid heavy 
dividends to the Communists in the shape of general sup- 
port given to the resistance movement in Hyderabad 
led by them. Most of the Hindus in Hyderabad, many 
Congressmen in the Telugu-speaking districts of Madras and 
some of the officials of that province, were against the banning 
of Communist activities in the border districts of Madras. In- 
deed, many of them favoured the United Front on the plea 
that hut for it Telengana would be at the mercy of tire Razakars. 

At Vijayawada I also met some of the Communist leaders 
and had conversations with tlieni. They were frank both as to 
their goal and progranune though they exaggerated their 
achievements. They had complete control, they said, of the 
Telugu-speaking districts both inside and outside Hyderabad 
and their hearts were set on winning an Andhra Province for 
Communism. It was painful to see that many leading Con- 
gressmen, in their blissful ignorance of the role of the C.P. 1. 
in India, wished them godspeed. 

Nothing succeeds like success, and the Communists had 
proved that those of the villages in Nalgonda and Warangal that 
were held by them were completely immune from the attentions 
of the Razakars. 

The Razakars were, therefore, not merely a danger in 
themselves, but by giving scope to the Communists and bring- 
ing them the general support of the public, were the potential 
architects of a countrywide chaos. 


breaking the ring-fence 

T S La" "';“pSed oa foUo«a 

It was not a pleasant Greets It was only when 

by the Razakar cyclists ^ ^ j^ee from their attention. 

- ..a —a sad.. 

-r;. saadaa Z 

fwSorty e.ght 

or Razvi without my coming to an 

a matter ot courtesy, = Vat "S ttpnn 

and his younger I>™*cr. „y wife ^wcned to 

cess of Berar arrived from an p mi-e that we should luta 
be in Hterabad, I informed Vr “y, I received a signi- 

pie will never accede Ou P^°^^®°^’/?>,rstate for 

nf Razvi If yo'i J T have served the btate lui 



when he did lelurn the visit, he was emotionally worked up 
and told me that he had to cany a revolver in case he was 

Another highly placed Hindu jagirdar, a man of culture, 
buried Iiimself in a splendid library, the care of which he made 
the sole ostensible occupation of his life. When I met him, 
he whispered to me that he would not be able to return my 
visit. ‘You know the reason, Mr. Munshi’, was what he said. 

The Raja of Vanaparty, the biggest Hindu jagirdar in the 
State, was a young man with pi-o-lndian leaning who met me 
several times. He was a suspect and persecuted throughout 

Within a few days of my arrival 1 learnt that ordeis had 
iicen issued to the courtiers and high officials not to keep 
social contact with me without obtaining previous permission 
from the King Kolhi. Deen Yar Jung was permitted to accept 
my invitation to lunch, but not Hosh Yar Jung. Some of the 
leading Hindus — except the Stale Congress leaders — also hesi- 
tated to meet me at first. 

It was impossible for me to function in Hyderabad If I 
was to be socially isolated in this way. I therefore ordered 
the most lavish hospitality and Invited people to lunch, tea 
and dinner. When the guests came, I let myself go. I cracked 
jokes, told interesting anecdotes and established friendly rela- 
tions. At times I was bored to death with having to smile and 
talk pleasantly, but friendliness gradually broke down the 
barriers of fear and distrust. Soon the authorities had quite 
a hard time to keep pace with what was happening in the 
Dakshina Sadan. ' 

The Nizam had a universal system of espionage. He plant- 
ed his spies on everybody, his son. his ministers, his enemies, 
his important officers. The compliment was returned by the 
princes as well as by some of the ministers, the important 
officers and men of position, all of whom had their spies in the 
King Kothl. 

The most extraordinary thing about this espionage 
was that some of the persons employed in the King Kothl ivere 
in the pay of several persons at the same time. Every 
day they reported to their different paymasters what was hap- 
pening there, what conversations the Nizam held and with 
whom, It was most Interesting to receive the report of the 

breaking the ring-fehce 



bame incident or the same V evidence to 


conveyed to me nd of two or thiee of my 

aei^r wVo re\an^- -- *>" ™ 

private conversations my eais I do 

About this time a (,oro a palace souice 

not vouch for it ‘''“dgh ' „,th stones about the 

Day after day Hyderabad 2‘,„vented but they were 

NiLi Some of them weie doubtl^.u^^^^j^ 

mostly accepted because th^ to show 

On one occasion tbe N contain only the 

him their tiffln carriers “b'ch were „ave 

scanty tare of the low paid se^a ^t BcsidenU, 

told one of his courtiers S t„c carriers Tim 

these fellows used to have Munshi is a 

Residents used to pay them 11^ the e ueni® 

He has been paying them notnrog ^ 

Nisam's police also 

inspector of police '“"o 'vas ^m^^;atch on me and r^y 
ostensibly for my s“urily. keP' js Some plain clothed 

ir^SeSrThf Xr'situatlon recalled VishaKliadatt s 
Dlay Mudra Rakshasa Ah MimsU-v, 

"^Many people had a ,„ce at ^ 

some of them attach^ Ly were therefore ready to dovetad 
heads with each other, of the N»wm or Kas m 

what they hnew ^“^^"ccc-ble. came to pick up 
Rasvi having JL„ the tvvmway traffic left son- 

information and to Keep i . ^ i had 

information with me leading men 

- -^teanwh.Ie, several of the ‘ea a „„h cveiythmu 

established friendly eontac. kept m 


tor deliverance and ready '» b' P ^.,^,wu md the lead 

Colonel Waghiaj the P"' 



when he did return Ihe vbit, lie WJs cnmiiojially worked up 
and told me that he had to carry a levoKer in casjc he was 

Another highly placed Hindu jUfjirUur, it man oi cuJtujc, 
buried Wm-self in a splendid library, the care of which he made 
the sole ostensible occu|iation of hU life. When 1 met him, 
he whispcied to me that he utiuld not be able to return my 
VLsit 'You know the reason, Mr. Munshl', was what he said. 

The llaja of Vnnaiwrty, the biggest Hindu jaijinlar in the 
State, was a young man witli pro-Indian leaning who met me 
several limes. He was a suspect atul i>crsccut«l throughout 

Within a few days of my amval 1 learnt that ordcis had 
been issued to the courtiers and high oflicial.s not to keep 
social contact with me without obtaining previous permission 
from the King Kolhl. Dccn Yar Jung was i>ernilU«l to accept 
my invitation to lunch, but not Hosh Yar Jung. Some of the 
leading Hindus— except the Stale Congress leailcrs — also hcsl* 
tated to meet me at first 

It was impossible for me to function in Hyderabad if 1 
%\Tis to be socially isolated in this way. 1 therefore ordered 
the most lavish hospitality and Invited people to lunch, lea 
and dinner. When Uic guests came, Ilet myself go. I crocked 
jokes, told Interesting anecdotes and c.stablished friendly rela- 
tions. At limes I was bored to death with having to smile and 
talk pleasantly, but fncndUncss gradually broke down the 
barriers of fear and distrust Soon the authorities had quite 
a hard time to keep pace with what was hapiicning in the 
Dakshina Sadan. ' 

The Nizam had a universal system of espionage. He planl- 
eil his spies on everybody, his son. his ministers, his enemies, 
his important officers. The compliment was returned by the 
princes as well as by some of the ministers, the important 
officers and men of position, all of whom had their spies tn the 
King Kothl. 

The most extraordinary thing about this espionage 
was that some of the persons employed in the King Kothi were 
ifi \he pay ot several persons at the same time. Ever>' 
day they reported to thifir different paymasters what was hap- 
pening there, what conversations the Nizam held and with 
whom. It was mo?t Interesting to receive the report of the 


ing medical practitioner in Hyderabad, was also my physical!. 
We soon became friends and apart from reporting political 
happenings he had good deal to say about the social side of 
the King Kothi. But he bad fpr.this., In 
months, the Nizam’s wrath descended, upon him and his ser- 
vices were dispensed with. Thereafter the atmosphere grew 
so hot for him that he had to leave Hyderabad for his home .in 
Uttar Pradesh, there to await the day when he could return 
without danger to himself. ■ • 

Waghray had left Hyderabad. I sent for the physician who 
was said to have the next best reputation, but three calls, inclu-. 
ding a personal one by a member of my staff in a car, found 
him away from home. From then on I was looked after by 
old Dr. Naidu (the late Sarojini Devi’s husband), though he 
had given up practice many years before. 

Z, a highly placed officer, was the most courageous of tho 
whole lot. In spite of the Interdict, he visited me freely. 
He knew the Hyderabad set-up inside out and though be was 
having hard time, he took bold risks. Later on a stage was 
reached when the Nizam himself warned him against keeping 
contact with me, but before Lalk All could take drastic steps 
against him, he took leave on the pretext of being ill and left 
for Bombay. As his luck would have it, there the police sus- 
pected him of being a spy of the Nizam and detained him in jail. 
His wife was furious, and when one evening she invaded the 
Dakshina Sedan, she cried with blazing eyes. *What is this 
strange world! In Hyderabad my husband is a spy for India 
and in Bombay for Hyderabad.’ I was able to intervene with 
the Home Minister of Bombay, who was good enough to 
i-olease Z. 

Pannalal Pittie, the leading businessman in Hyderabad, 
had a cool head and was a very shrewd judge of men. He was 
/riendjy with the leading Hindus and Muslims; his sphere of 
influence was wide. I had known the Pittie family since 1914 
and Pannalal since he was a boy. It was in a pai'Ution suit 
filed by his eldest brother against the • other members of his 
family that in 1920 I, as his counsel, won my place among the 
leading counsels on the Original Side of the Bombay Bar. 

I would never have been able to break the ring-fence with- 
out the help of Laxminivas Ganeriwal. He tried to help me 
for all he was worth by collecting information from various 



souiceaandgwmg d ta me one ^ge even to ^ 

gress arcles began to auspeet “^‘''Jdertaken 

know tiiat most of his ^ when Laik Ah went 

atmysuggesuon Tltote come ^ jjg 

so tar as to oBer him a nunistersh p, . ^ j„g 

was pubUe spirited and eot^e^ ^^Jbrot the public 
way to bring relief to some hara ^ glass by him- 

Raja Bahadur Aravamudu and a resourceful 

self A sound lawyer, a f^u^berless awkwaid situa- 

man, he had worked himself ou iTyjiei.abad for years past 
tions and survived every crisis m y . ^ accepted 

The Nizam often asked his advice, t g ^as 

It Iyengar kept himself m -‘ivice stood 

happenmg m Hyderabad and h 

me m good stead throughout press of India, the 

The correspondents Jhe Ajrwe/e 

Umted Press of India and ^ grave risks to them- 

young men who often collect^ re^ at grav 
selves and kept in close touch wx chastri a Hindu journa 
The most courageous of them w . ^ secretary to 
list of Hyderabad He was a sort “t Bazvis 

Venkatarao, the Hanjan ^^tnu , 

confidence, doing some English and begged 

In February, this y°“"* "|f",5fjerabad He was sick of 
me to find a job for him “hiu>e j ,ne state I very 

things, he said and wanted to jjajras I suggested 

nearly fixed him up with a hov/s^ service to India anf 

to him that he would be rendering * „ tial relations with 

to me If he continued to “"““greed 

the inner circle of the Ittehad journalist R 

Thereafter he visited me off and on as and 

thought that he was asked me to do him . 

he was loyal to the core and never 

favour Of him more hereafter perturbed Ih 

Many sensible ““’''‘“MfLm^laeed at the “ 

the destinies of Hyderaba groups ‘hO"C 

the Ittehad They belong^ ° d lose m ‘"e end thow 

clearly perceived that existing regime, and 

who were disgusted vn*h believed that Hy er 

though loyal to the w • 

few who though 1 

The author rpeafcitig at the CitUsen^ Reception in hie honour at Secunderobact 
Race Course, Stoanti Romanande Tirtha presiding. 


a man bare-headed, wearing a kurta and ■pyjama. He had 
escaped attention with the greatest difficulty and had slipped 
into the Dakshina Sadan by the servants’ door. 

We had a long talk on the occasion, from thereon it was 
through him that I had a peep into the Nizam's xmnd, as it 
changed from day to day. He loved the Nizam, was anxious 
to save him from the Ittehad group and was trymg his best — 
of course behind the back of Deen — to get the Nizam to meet 

Once Hosh came to ask me — as usual after midnight — 
whether I would accept Nizam's invitation to dinner on the 
occasion of the death anmversaiy of his mother 

‘Of course, I will’, I said 

Hosh settled the programme of the dinner with me and 
told me what I had to do on such a ceremonial occasion I 
should have to present a chaddar (bed sheet) of flowers for 
the tomb I was also told that I would receive the invitation 
within two or three days 

However no invitation came. A few days later, on one 
of hia midnight visits, Hosh explained to me why it had not 
materiahsed The Nizam had issued orders to send me an 
invitation but both Laik Ah and Hcen had persuaded him to 
rescind it 

'Munshi IS a dangerous man It is no use meeting him', 
they had said 

Hosh could not be beaten at courtiership 

‘Does Ala Hazrat realise what the Nawab Saheb is insi- 
nuating’' he had enquired m courtly Urdu ‘He means to 
say that Ala Hazrat is so weak and imintelhgent that if he 
were to talk to Munshi, even on a ceremonial occasion, he 
would immediately lose his senses and do what Munshi told 
him What a tribute to Ala Hazrat'* 

Deen had won The order for the issue of the invitation 
had heen canceiied 

Throughout my stay in the State, the Nizam never gave 
me an opportunity of meeting him Nawab Ah Yavar Jung, 
once the Minister of Constitutional Affairs of the Nizam and a 
shrewd observer, wrote about the position in which I was 
placed in his Hyderabad tn Retrospect — 

‘It was decreed m Mr Mundu’s horoscope that Hyderabad 
would make decennial entries toto hts life It made its first 


interests lay in acceding to India. Most ol them maintained 
touch with me. 

Of the Muslims, who, from the beginning, saw that the 
salvation of Hyderabad and of the Nizam lay fn acceding to 
India, Nawab Manzur Jung was the most courageous. He was 
sensible, wise and selfless. But he carried the hostility of iho 
Ittehad. Before 1 went to Hyderabad he had often re- 
monstrated wiUi the Nizam about the suicidal course widch he 
was pursuing. 

Manzur Jung often met me and introduced me to several 
of his Muslim friends such as Bildar Hussain, a retired Chief 
Engineer, who held the same views as he did. About .\farcli, 
the Ittehad leaders induced lire Nizam not to let Manzur Jung 
pay frequent visits to the King Kotlil. Soon the lime canjc 
when he had to pay the price for iris bold stand. 

I liked this simple-hearted straightforward man. Sooti 
after the Police Action, he died. And when, as the Food Minis- 
ter of the Government of India, I visited an integrated ifyder- 
abad which had been purged of the Ittehad, I went to Ids house 
to offer my condolences to his widow. 

It was Manzur Jung who introduced inc to the brave 
young Muslim nationalist, Shcobullah Khan, editor of the Urdu 
paper, Ivxroze, through the columns of wldclt he fought the 
Ittehad with rare courage. Ultimately, he paid for it with 
his life. 

Of the other Muslims, the most helpful was Nawab Hosh 
Yar Jung, the Nizam’s favourite courtier, whom Been looked 
upon as his Inveterate enemy. He had a rare command of 
Urdu and, with his keen ^vlt, could play a court jester when it 
suited him to keep the Nizam In good humour. In spite of 
what looked like an Irresponsible rvay of talking, he was sljrcwd 
and far-sighted. He worked throughout In the interests of the 
Nizam, for he honestly behoved that the salvation of tire Asafia 
dynasty lay In making friends wiUi the Union. Sir Mirza 
also had great confidence in him and it is likely that he was 
invited to be the Prime Minister of Hyderabad through Hosh's 

Hosh was never allowed by the Nizam to meet me. lot 
alone to accept my invitations to lunch. However, one night 
at 2 A.M. my A.D.C. woke me up to say tliat Nawab Hosh Yar 
Jung had come to see me. Imagine my surprise when I saw 



owa Secretary being present was unacceptable to tlie Minis- 
ters who seemed fundamentally opposed to the idea of two 
men taking tea together. One such scene was pitiable to 
watch, with the Nizam literally pleading and suggesting altei- 
natives It was obvious that the constitution had undergone 
a change, the Nizam had now to possess the confidence of his 
Ministers So, Mr Munsbi could never meet the Nizam alone 
— not until the fateful afternoon of September 17, 1948, when 
the two men met at last, and, later m the evening a nervous 
and broken voice spoke for the first time over the radio to the 
people of his fallen State and referred to “my friend 
Mr Munshi” ’ 

Nawab Ah Yavar Jung was reputed to be the ablest man 
in Hyderabad Shrewd realist that he was he had retired to 
a watchful political exile The Ittehad leaders hated him for 
the reasons that he was a Shia, he had clearly seen the necessity 
of Indo-Hyderabad friendship by early accession, and more 
particularly the Nizam had recurring fits of confidence in him 

I met Ah Yavar Jung and his charming wife on several 
occasions Our contact, however, was studiously social and 
we tacitly avoided all conversation about current affairs It 
was only at tunes that I received hints which weie reported 
tn have come from him 

His father-in-law, Sir Mehdi Yar Jung, an ex-Piime 
Minister, and his wife were two of the finest persons I ever 
met In them, I glimpsed the exquisite courtesy and mature 
Wisdom which were associated with the old aristocratic tradi 
lions of Hyderabad 

Lady Yar Jung had a modest dignity and refined grace, the 
like of which I had never seen m anyone before My relauons 
with them were very cordial, and on one or two occasions, 
Sir Mehdi, now weak and aihng. t<rfd me how heart broken he 
felt at the way things were developing 

He lay dying when I went to see him, and he insisted on 
seeing me alone 

‘Mr Munshi' he said, ‘he (evidently referring to the 
Nizam) IS his own worst enemy He is also surrounded by 
wicked men Please help him' Sir Mehdi s transparent 
loyalty was moving In its deep earnestness I believe he died 
a few days afterwards 



entry in 1938, when as Home Mimster of Bombay, he was 
called upon to deal with the repercussions of the Arya Satya- 
graha in the Province of Bombay. - The second entry was in 
1948, when Mr. Munshi arrived at Hyderabad as Agent-General 
of India. The mission began badly, when - an unnecessa^’ 
controversy over a building which, it was feared, had not been 
sufficiently fumigated to destroy the germs of Paramountcy, 
and it was believed they would infect Mr. Munshi. So, in the 
interests of Mr. Munshi’s political health, a safer abode was 
chosen for him and "Deccan House” of the old Cantonment 
days became the Dakehina Sadan of India's Agent-General. 

'It was natural that the relations between Shah ManzlI 
and Hakshitia Sadan should reflect the changes in the Delhi- 
Hyderabad barometer and, as the latter began to record ten- 
sion, the former showed signs of strain. Not so the relations 
between Hyderabad’s Agent-General in Delhi and the Govern- 
ment of India. To Zaln Yar Jung’s social gifts was added the 
advantage of having been kept out of the negotiations by the 
powers in Hyderabad; he thus remained happily unaffected by 
any rise or fall in the political barometer. Mr. Munshi's posi- 
tion was dllTerent; he was in the thick of the discussions. So, 
while Zain Yar Jung, under forced unconcern, continued 
successfully to cultivate goodwill, Mr. Munshi found that type 
of agriculture unsuited to the climate which then prevailed in 
Hyderabad. He, therefore, decided to go into intellectual exile 
and chose the realm of historical fiction. Dakshina Sadan was 
under a cloud and even invitees to such functions as the eat- 
ing of vegetarian dishes and the drinking of pure water were 
treated as suspects, whether they accepted the invitation or 
not. There was masterly inactivity in Mr. Munshi’s seclusion, 
for he kept himself informed of all events and trends of thought, 
and he tried till September 11, when he had his last dinner 
with Mir Laik Ali, to obtain a settlement. 

'In Delhi, Hyderabad's Agent-General had free access to 
the Governor-General and the Ministers, and no secretaries 
dogged his footsteps by their presence at interviews; in Hyder- 
abad, Mr. Munshi’s access to the Nizam was barred and bolted. 
Long arguments took place between the Nizam and his Minis- 
ters, with the former insisting on seeing Mr. Munshi alone and 
the latter persisting in draying him that freedom unless one 
of them was present. Even the compromise of the Nizam's 



M y staff consisted of an odd assortment Raghupati, my 
Private Secretary, was a fresh IAS from Orissa, 
Raju, a seasoned ICS who had been lent by Madras 
was my Secretary Major Nanda, the Deputy Secretary, was 
in charge of Militaiy InteUigence Venkatavardhan, the 
officer in charge of Civil Intelligence, was unobtrusive and 
clear-headed, and moved from contact to contact collecting 
the most valuable information which he sorted and presented 
with rare clarity 

With the first week one of the officers raised a senous 
problem for me His idea was to worm out military mtcIU 
gence by means of lavish dnnks One day I learnt to my 
horror that he had bought half a dozen bottles of whisky from 
the Secunderabad Military Canteen m my name I shuddered 
to think what Bapu, sitting m Delhi, would think, if he came 
to know that I was strengthening my position with alcohol 
He might even go on a fast Thunder and lightning follow 
ed The five bottles which were still intact were returned to 
the canteen and the unfinished one was transferred to the 
name of the officer 

The greatest problem was X. Not being a regular officer, 
he felt that he was on a special mission himself Having 
supreme confidence m himself, he was convinced that he, of 
all others, represented Gandhijl and Sardar Naturally, there- 
fore, he assumed supreme command of my Secretariat Raju, 
not knowmg exactly where he stood, submitted to the assump 

Without my knowledge, X established contact witli Laik 
A!e and a^aCad an inrpnessxxt man 

with whom negotiations should be held I soon discovered 
that something senous was gouig on behmd my back One 
of the members of the Cabinet sent me word that I should be 
careful, because, while discussing the state of negotiations 
with Delhi, Laik Ah had told his colleagues that he had 
established contact with Gandhijl’s most trusted man In the 



It was, however, most difficult to help the Nizam. He had 
worked himself into an impossible frame of mind. 

When the Residencies had been denied to me, the Nizam’s 
Government had offered me one of the two houses, Greenlands 
and Rocklands, as my town re^dence and office. But I had al- 
ready made up my mind that I would continue to reside at 
Dakshirm Sadon. Laik AU and I therefore came to the view 
that so fine a residential building as Greenlands should not be 
wasted on offices. So we selected Rocklands for me. 

Mir Laik All and I went over Rocklands and everything 
was settled to our mutual satisfaction. A part of the house 
was whitewashed and one of my officers shifted there. 

Suddenly the Nizam raised objections to my occupying 
Rocklands. It was situated on the main road by which ha 
went to the mosque every week when he would be compelled 
to let His Exalted eyes rest on the National Flag flying on the 
house. It would be an affront? 

With profuse apologies Laik AU asked me to select another 
building. I knew the reason why I was denied Rocklands 
and declined to do so. The Government had offered Rock- 
lands to me; I had accepted it and aU but moved into it; there 
was no reasonable excuse for not giving it to me. 

Our differences on this point only ended when every 
public building in Hyderabad was flying the National Flag. 



For the first tmie m thirty years, differences had arisen 
between him and Gandhiji, who had made distant references 
to them in his afternoon prayer speeches Even Saidar had 
hinted at them in a speech in Bombay 

Throughout the previous year, Sardar had borne a very 
heavy load on his shoulders He had taken great decisions 
and implemented them with vigour He had seen the wisdom 
of Partition and had accepted it He had directed the work 
of several Ministries and had solved most of the complicated 
problems resulting from Partition He had borne the brunt 
of the crisis created by the in coming refugees and by the 
weakening order of the country With a swift and almost 
super-human statesmanship unknown m our history, he had 
consohdated India as never before, had converted the Indian 
Princes into loyal friends and had performed the miracle of 
evolving a strong India out of the fragments which the Bntish 
had left behmd He had also earned the unsUnted loyalty of 
the civil service which was new alike to the Congress leaders 
and to Che problems of the post-freedom era 

In addition, he had guided the work of the Chief Minis 
ters in all the States, had helped to establish stability in the 
countiy and had run the huge Congress organisation which 
was now denied the direct guidance of Gandbiji All this bur- 
den he had borne with outstanding courage, but these differ- 
ences were becoming too heavy for him If my impression is 
correct, he had sent m bis resignation as a Minister to Gan 
dhiji a few days before 

At the end I also told him about X and my talks with 
Gandhiji Hu. reaction was one of anger He said ‘I will 
tell Menon to remove him ' 

After I left him Sardar did in fact go to Birla House and 
discussed with Gandhiji the sinister campaign that was being 
carried on against him He was, they had said, the arch- 
Communalist He was the wicked one, who was undoing all 
the great work of the Congress’ 

This kind of ivhispenng campaign was not an unusual 
feature of Congress life in those days By means of whispers 
and insinuations, circulated from mouth to mouth, a Congress- 
man whom >ou did not approve of could easily be dubbed a 
‘Communahst’ When spoken with a certam accent the word 
conveyed the sense which the Shostras conveyed by the word 


TJJE O’D Of /l.V CiM 

AKcnl-tiCUcrara ofijcc, «l»o aloiiv IwU U>e iiowtr lo UvUvcr the 

About January 27, I u'uj tp Dcllil whi-ii LuHt AU 

said he was going too. X bcggol me to let him go, bul in 
advance; I knew uhai he waa Ui» lo; he waa going there to 
arrange a meeting between Laik AU and (JatKlhJjL The day 
before I ns'os to leave Uolarum he nmalued in hU room jvlcail* 
Ing lllnc&i and after jneeting me. La»k, AU >»eiil to him w>d 
had a long talk. 

I readied Delhi on the morning of the 2liib and put up 
03 usual at Ulrla IIuUl^e. Uundhijl and hU entourage were the 
only other guciiU, the heut hiiiuvU Ix-ing ultecnh 

Wljen V. P. .Minon and C. C. DciOl met me. Uicy loki me 
lliat X had ccanplalnvd to Sardar ilut I woi taking Uie wroug 
line, and Uiat he, X, waa trying tu save the fritualton. 

In the evening 1 went lo n*ix»i to Gandhlji on ului W'a3 
hapjicnlng In U>dcral>ad. lie heard me p.»ilcnily. With hit 
usual candour, a riuality which made him m dear to U3 all. he 
said: ‘Munshl, you promis'd me that you would nuke the ut> 
moat ciTurt to negotiate a MtUcmcni. From your convcn>aiU>n 
1 find lliat you arc doing all you ean. while X tclU mo that 
you are taking a wrong line. Why doi'a ho ^oy Ilut?’ 

1 was equally frank. 1 told him all about K. ’You askeil 
me to go to Ifydcraliad, Uapu, and 1 wvnt there at considerable 
risk. I took X with me only because of our ewnmon loyalty 
to you. If you arc dlssatlsficil with me. you liavc only to 
say the word and I shall come away. Hut you will agree with 
me that I cannot let anyone, mucli lc>3 an otHccr ot mine. l>e- 
have In the way X has been doing. KUher 1 am In charge or 
he Is. Do you consider his conduct proper?' 

‘I was surprised at it myself.’ Candhijl admitted. 

'But do you think I should keep him with me In the dlfll* 
cult situation I am facing there?* 

'You can ask Sardar to remove him,' said Gandhlji. 

Then Lalk AU arrived. J introduced him to Gandhlji and 
left. Our next business appointment was for 7 P.M. on the 
30th, Rut f was not dc.<!tfnc»I to keep If. 

On the afternoon of the 30th I had long talks about the 
situation with Sardar, whom I found in a very unhappy' mood. 
He had been undergoing almost unbearable strain for days. 



of a sobbing Panditji Abha and Manu were weeping 
hysterically, Mamben was reciting the Bhagavad GUa 
Dr Jivraj had just finished examining Gandhiji Pyarelal was 
sitting on one side of the bed watching Gandhiji with anxious 
eyes Further off, a little group sat huddled 

I sat down near Sardar The doctor who was examining 
Gandhiji got up ‘No use , he said, and shook his head 
I was dazed 1 could not think, it was all so unreal 
I had looked in for a few seconds m the mommg to pay 
my respects before I left Hale and hearty, he was writmg 
something He had smiled at me and had accepted my 
namaskar with the familiar wave of his hand 

Now, ‘no use'* I was dry-eyed The emotion which 
moves the heart and brings tears was numb The silence of 
the room was broken by sobs and chanlmg 

Congress leaders, mmisters and others began to arrive 
No member of the Birla family was there at the time, so I 
collected the servants, had the compound gate closed against 
the gathering crowd and requested various friends to stand 
there to let in persons of importance Meanwhile the police 
had arrived and taken charge 

The first impact of the event was terrible We had been 
told that the assailant was a Muslim This opened up a ghastly 
prospect, the next day rivers of blood would flow both in India 
and Pakistan Then, on inquiry, I was assured by the Birla 
House gardener, who claimed to have caught the assailant, that 
the murderer was a Hmdu 

My memory went back to a conversation which Bapu had 
had with some of us months before 

Someone had said, 'A Muslim will kill you some day 

‘No Muslim will ever kill me’, he said If I am murder 
ed, it will be by the hand of a Hmdu ’ Hjs perspicacity was 
aJmnsl prr^abeiin- 

A little later, some of us met in the Library I remember 
only Lord Mountbatten, Panditji, Sardar, Maulana Saheb 
Gadgil Jivraj, besides myself, being present, but there were 
several others also 

'We must arrange for his lying in state for a few days’ 
suggested Lord Mountbatten ‘People could then come from 
all parts of the country to offer him their last homage ’ 



patit or fallen from high c&tatc; lUat is, he was a reacuonary, 
a traitor to the Congress, which meant, to the .country: 
Q.E.D..' Many a man had been damned by such whispers. 
This time the target was very high indeed. Gandliljl was deep- 
ly concerned about it; he was anxious that notIUng should 
divide the Sardar and Panditjl for in their unity. lay the 
future of the country,. 

The between GandhIJi and Sardar look longer than 
had been expected. Gandhijl, . always so meticulous about 
time, was rather late for .the prayers. He got up hurriedly 
and prepared himself. With his hands pbced as usual on the 
shoulders of his grand-daughter-in-law, Abha, and his grand- 
daughter JIanu, he proceeded, as was his wont, from the rear 
door of his room to the spot where the prayers were held in 
the Birla House gardens. 

Suddenly, a man broke through the ranks of the people 
who were standing reverently on cither side with folded 
hands. He appeared to fall at Gandhijl's feet. One of the 
girls tried to prevent him from doing so, but the man pushed 
her aside, Gandhiji's prayer book and rosary, which were In 
her hands, fell to the ground and she stooped to pick them up. 

The man faced Gandhijl, whipped out a pistol and Ar^ 
three shots in quick succession. At the first, Gandhijl stag' 
gered. At the second, he collapsed. On his lips were the 
words he loved most: 'He Rarna'^. 

The gardener of Birla House tried to stop the assailant; 
others overpowered him. Two bullets passed through the 
abdomen and came out at the back; the third one remained 
lodged in the lungs. 

Thus the mighty one fell. . ; 

From Sardar's office I had gone to .the States Ministry 
to meet V. P, Menon. It must have been at about 5-30 P.M. 
when, as I was coming down the staircase of the Secretariat, 
I met one of the chauffeurs from Birla House. He was climb- 
ing the stairs, two steps at a Umc. ■ 

‘Comfl, comet GandbAji. has been WWed’, Vie etied, 
I thought he was mad. • ■ 

We rushed to .Birla House. When I reached Gandhiji’s 
room, he was lying on the bed, with blood trickling from his 
side. Sardar sat close by, with an arm round the shoulders 



of a sobbing PanditjL Abba and Manu were weeping 
hysterically; Maniben was reciting the Bhagavad-Gita. 
Dr. Jivraj had just finished ejcamming Gandhiji. Pyarelal was 
sitting on one side of the bed watching Gandhiji with anxious 
eyes. Further off, a little group sat huddled. 

I sat down near Sardar. The doctor who was examining 
Gandhiji got up, ‘No use’, he said, and shook his head, 

I was dazed. 1 could not think; it was all so unreal. 

I had looked in, for a few seconds in the morning to pay 
my respects before I left. Hale and hearty, he was writing 
something. He had smiled at me and had accepted my 
Tiamaskar with the fa miliar wave of his hand, 

Now, 'no use'’ I was dry-eyed. The emotion which 
moves the heart and bnngs tears was numb. The silence of 
the room was broken by sobs and chantmg. 

Congress leaders, ministers and others began to arrive 
No member of the Sirla family was there at the time, so I 
collected the servants, had the compound gate closed against 
the gathering crowd and requested vanous friends to stand 
there to let in persons of importance. Meanwhile the pohce 
had arrived and taken charge. 

The first impact of the event was terrible. We had been 
told that the assailant was a Muslim. This opened up a ghastly 
prospect; the next day rivers of blood would flow both in India 
and Pakistan. Then, on inquiry, I was assured by the Birla 
House gardener, who claimed to have caught the assailant, that 
the murderer was a Hindu. 

My memory went back to a conversation which Bapu had 
had with some of us months before. 

Someone had said, 'A Muslim will kill you some day, 

'No Muslim will ever kill me’, he said, Tf I am murder- 
ed, it will be by the hand of a Hmdu ’ His perspicacity was 
almost propheUc. 

A UtUe later, some of us met in the Library. I remember 
only I/ord Mountbatten, Panditji, Sardar, Maulana Saheb, 
Gadgil, Jivraj, besides myself, being present; but there were 
several others also. 

‘We must arrange for his lying-in-state for a few days’, 
suggested Lorf Mountbatten. ' 'People could then come from 
all parts of the country to offer him their last homage.’ 



patit or fallen from high estate; that is, he was a reactionary, 
a traitor to the Congress, which meant, .to .the .country: 
Q.S.DJ Many a man .had been damned by such whispers. 
This time the target was very high indeed. Gandhijl was deep- 
ly concerned about it; he was anxious that nothing should 
divide the Sardar .and Panditjl. for in their .unity. lay the 
future of the country.. 

The talk between .Gandhiji and Sardar took. longer than 
had been expected. Gandhijl, always so meticulous about 
time, was rather late .for the prayers. He got up hurriedly 
and prepared himself. With his hands placed as usual on the 
shoulders of his grand-daughter-In-Iaw, Abha, and his. grand- 
daughter Manu, he proceeded, as was his wont, from the rear 
door of his room to the spot where the prayers were held in 
the Birla House gardens. 

Suddenly, a man broke through the ranks of the people 
who were standing reverently on either side with folded 
hands. He appeared to fall at Gandhiji's feet. One of the 
girls tried to prevent him from doing so, but the man pushed 
her aside. Gandhijl’s prayer book and rosary, which were in 
her hands, fell to the ground and she stooped to pick them up. 

The man faced Gandhijl, wWpped out a pistol and fired 
three shots in quick succession. At the first, Gandhijl stag* 
gered. At the second, he collapsed. On his lips were the 
words he loved most: 'He Rama’, 

The gardener of Birla House tried to stop the assailant; 
others overpowered him. Two bullets passed through the 
abdomen and came out at. the back; the third one remained 
lodged in the lungs. 

Thus the mighty one fell. 

From Sardar’s office I had gone to .the States Ministry 
to meet V. P. Menon. It must have been at about 5-30 P.M. 
when, as I was coming down the staircase of the Secretariat, 
I met one of the chauffeurs from Birla House.' He was climb- 
ing the stairs,- two steps at a timA , . 

'Come, Sir, come! Gandhiji has been killed’, he cried, 
I thought he was mad. 

We rushed to Birla House. When I reached Gandhlji’s 
. room, he was lying on the bed, with blood trickling from his 
side. Sardar sat close by, with an arm round the shoulders 



m fact it was — the saviour’s last journey. The greatest li\ mg 
man had walked out of hfe m a way few had done before him 
Sn Krishna had died full of age and divine honours, but 
by the arrow of an obscure hunter. Socrates had died of poison, 
the victim of the hatred of his own people Jesus had died on 
the cross crucified by the venom of his own people 

Gandhiji also died at the hands of one of his own people, 
whom he had led from darkness unto light But he died at the 
height of popularity and power and, while enjc^mg the spiri- 
tual leadership not only of India, but of the whole world 
He died in a manner which befitted a spiritual leader of all 
times, while going to prayers with the name of God on his lips 
As he lived, so he died — with majesty and grace — and the 
undying halo of a martyr was about him 

By that evenmg, when the funeral was over, I had recover- 
ed from the stunning effect of the blow I f^t alone, terri- 
fically alone, almost desolate For a moment I felt crushed 
There was no one left to whose guidance and abiding affection 
I could look 

Panditji and Sardar also suddenly awoke to a new res- 
ponsibility They could not forsake the people who looked to 
them both for guidance 

In death, Gandhiji had worked a miracle, even as he had 
done so many tunes m life 



Some or us demurred. -HiDdu sentiment throughout the 
country would be offended’, I said. 'It would be considered 

sacrilegious.' ‘ '.u ‘u.,e. 

Someone— it may have been Gadgil — said, If death has 
taken place after sunset, we can keep the dead body m the 
house no longer than the noon of the next day.' < 

In the meantime Pyarelal came in. 'Bapu told me deu* 
nitely that after his death, he was to be cremated according to 
the Hindu rites', he said. Tliat. clinched the matter. The 
funeral was fixed for the next morning, • , - 

H. M. Patel, a military ollicer and I went to select the spot 
where cremation should take place. We selected the Rajghat 
as it could accommodate a future monument, and that is where 
Gandhiji's samadhi stands at present. 

I returned to Birla House at two in the morning. I could 
not close my eyes; I was too stunned. 1 went and sat for some 
time in the room where Gandhiji lay in rigid death. 

The whole night long crowds were collecting outside. I 
found their shouts annoying. Surely they could feel the gravi* 
ty, if not the solemnity, of the occasion. From early morning, 
they kept on arriving. They roamed through the house and 
pressed towards Gandhlji's room to have his. last dorshan. 1 
posted volunteers to regulate the crowds, formed a queue of 
visitors to the room in which the body was lying, and had the 
remaining rooms locked up. I had to be, in C^pbell-Johnson's 
words, ‘a self-appointed orgaidscr’. As the crowds outside the 
house were insisting on having a darshan, we took the body 
upstairs and placed it on a balcony. It was a frantic multitude 
of crying women, hysterical children, sobbing men and curious 

At last we placed the body on a truck and covered it with 
the National Flag. Gandhiji’s face was serene. His eyes ap- 
peared closed as if in prayer. Sardar and Gandhiji’s son, 
Devadas, sat near the body, with Sardar Baldeo Singh in front 
The girls stood by the side. The cortege moved on. We had 
arranged for the maintenance of order on the roads, but press- 
ing, and ’ever more pressing cro\vds made It impossible to 
maintain it. 

The cortege moved on through the Kingsway of Imperial 
Delhi with the military pomp of an Emperor’s funeral. At the 
same lime, the spontaneous grief of vast crowds made it what 



in fact It was — the saviour’s last journey The greatest U\ mg 
man had walked out of hfe in a way few had done before ham 
Sn Krishna had died fuU of age and divine honours, but 
by the arrow of an obscure hunter Socrates had died of poison, 
the victim of the hatred of his own people Jesus had died on 
the cross crucified by the venom of his own people 

Gandhiji also died at the hands of one of his own people, 
whom he had led from darkness unto light But he died at the 
height of popularity and power and, while enjoying the spiri- 
tual leadership not only of India, but of the whole world 
He died in a manner which befitted a spiritual leader of all 
times, while going to prayers with the name of God on his lips 
As he lived, so he died — with majesty and grace — and the 
undying halo of a martyr was about him 

By that evenmg, when the funeral was over, I had recover- 
ed from the stunning effect of the blow I felt alone, terri- 
fically alone, almost desolate For a moment I felt crushed 
There was no one left to whose guidance and abiding affection 
I could look 

Panditji and Sardar also suddenly awoke to a new res- 
ponsibility They could not forsake the people who looked to 
them both for guidance 

In death Gandhiji had worked a miracle, even as he had 
done so many times m hfe 



B efore I returned to Bolarum, Sardar went over the 
whole ground with me and indicated the line to be 
- adopted. The first stage had passed. As the Nizam’s 
Government had failed to observe the terms of the Standstill 
Agreement, it was no use discussing its implementation. He 
asked me to concentrate on negotiating a permanent settle- 
ment by the 31st of March. If that proved impossible, we 
should not go on waiting for ever, he said. The issue must be 
clinched, before the rains started in June; for by October, when 
the monsoon was over, a little time would have been left for 
the Standstill Agreement to run out. 

In the meantime, Razvi had overstepped the bounds of 
decency by breaking up a large public meeting in the grounds 
of the Nizam’s College to mourn Gandhiji’s death. He also 
called for five lakhs of volunteers to be’ ‘the liberators of the 
Muslims of India from the yoke of the Indian Union’. * 

At a public meeting on February 6, Moin Nawaz also 
defended the attitude of the Razakars. I inquired of l-alk 
All what steps he was taking to prevent a recurrence of such 
anti-Indian activities, but no reply was vouchsafed. 

It had been decided at New Delhi that Gandhiji's asthis 
— ashes containing small pieces of bones — should be distri- 
buted for ceremonial immersion in the different rivers of India 
at places held sacred in religious memory. I asked Devadas 
Gandhi to send some to me for immersion at the Sangam, at 
the confluence of two rivers, near Hyderabad. 

Laik Ali was in a fix; neither he nor the Nizam wanted 
such an immersion ceremony to take place in Hyderabad: but 
the grief and devotion sweeping over the country were so uni- 
versal that they could find no decent way to stop it. 

On February 10, Srimali Gyan Kumari Heda, an enthu- 
sjasUJr.snrjal.w/KkfT. of. ‘hrt 

Secunderabad. I received them at the station with due cere- 
mony. a huge crowd being present to pay them homage. 

For a day the asthis were kept in the Dakshina Sadan, 
bhajans were sung and the Bhagavad Gita recited continuously 



for twenty-four hours. Crowds, both of Hindus and Muslims, 
poured in to have the darshan of the relics. 

Even this solemn occasion had its humorous side. Joshi 
came in customaiy Gujarati mourning style, with a dhoti 
covering his head, wailing at the top of bis voice. After 
spending a little time near the relics, he came to me on the 
first floor and expressed his grief in the loud wails and tragic 
utterances common among mourners of experience in Gujarat. 

It was too much for my patience. 'Please don’t cry so 
much. If you had had the least regard for Gandhijl you would 
not have stood by the Razakars who are inflicting such misery 
on innocent villagers,’ I said. 

Joshi went straight to Laik Ali and complained that I had 
asked him not to associate with the Nizam’s Government. 
Laik Ali spoke to me of this. I told him about the incident 
and both of us enjoyed it heartily. 

The next day the osthis were installed in a public park in 
Hyderabad where the Gita recital and the Bhojons continued 
day and night and large crowds of Hindus and Muslims came 
to pay them respects. 

According to an appointment previously made, Laik All 
met me the same day to continue our discussions on the 
problems before us. He immediately agreed to my suggestion 
that we should shelve (he discussion on the Standstill Agree- 
ment and work out a formula for a permanent settlement 
He was also of the view that the relations between the Union 
and Hyderabad would only improve if that were done. 

In spite of all his sweetness and lavish hospitality, no- 
thing could move Laik Ali from his original position. He was 
willing to yield Defence to the Union, but would not cede to 
it any control over the Hyderabad Army nor submit to any 
restriction on its strength. Nor would he agree to bind himself 
to carry out the Union’s instructions with regard to Defence, 
even if public tranquillity in the country was threatened. He 
might do’ so, he said, but the decision at all times must rest 
with the Nizam. 

He insisted though Hyderabad' would concede External 
Affairs to the Union, the State must be free to pass its own 
laws with regard to citizenship, naturalization and aliens. Its 
citizens must also enjoy 'only 'such fundamental rights as 
might be con'ceded by the Nixam and not those that wore 



granted by the Union Constituent Assembly. Hyderabad should 
also have the freedom lo appoint Agents in foreign countries, 
to trade .freely and to make its own exchange regulations. U 
must also have the right to enter into independent international 
agreements. Above all, it must have the right to plan and 
develop its own economy independently of India, with the aid 
of foreign exchange which it had itself earned. 

Hyderabad, again, was willing lo concede Communlca* 
tions to the Union, but it must have complete and exclusive 
control over such all-India communications as passed through 
the State though they connected the north of India with the 

It was the old, old story of Septembcr-October, 1947. The 
Nizam's Government was willing to accede to the three Cen- 
tral Subjects, provided all effective control over them was 
handed over to Hyderabad. This formula had a strong family 
likeness to all Hyderabad formulas. U would give the clotli 
as long as It was all holes and no cloth. 

I told Laik All plainly that if he was determined on the 
stand he had taken, it would be difficult to convince the 
Government of India that the Nizam ^vos in earnest about con- 
ceding Cefence, External Affairs and Communications to the 

Two days later, the asthis were taken in a procession to 
the Sangam. At the last moment, though its route was 
diverted through an unfrequented road, both Hindus and 
Muslims joined the procession shouting ‘Gondhijt ki jaV. 

Laik Ali, his colleagues, high officials, nawabs, jagirdars 
and a vast concourse, had gathered at the Sangam. At the 
confluence I performed the ceremony in knee-deep waters 
to the chanting of Vedic mantras. The crowd continued 
to chant Gandhiji’s favourite dhuiw Ishwar Allah iere nam: 
sabko sanmati de Bhagvan. ‘Thy name Is Ishwar and Allah. 
May Thou, Lord, give good sense to us all.’ 

Laik Ali stood by me all the time and I think he was 
moved. It was a great day for Hyderabad, with everyone fra- 
ternising with everyone else and chanting the same words. 

■ That night Laik Ali and I met ^ his private house tc 
continue our discussions which now ranged over the problem 
of the Razakars. I pressed upon him once again the urgent 
need of controlling them; but he would only do so, he said, 



jf the Union Government came to a settlement, allowed Hyder- 
abad to have a strength of 25000 troops and 35,000 police 
and immediately supplied the full military equipment needed 
for them, whatever the rights of the Union be under the 
Standstill Agreement’ 

It was midnight when we parted ‘Do you rely upon the 
Razakars as your trump card to get the Government of India 
to accept whatever you demand’ I remember asking him 

‘You are always worrymg yourself about Hyderabad,’ he 
chafingly observed ‘Why don’t you relax’ Why don't you 
sometimes come to the Club’’ 

‘I am not a club going man ’ I replied 

‘Are you not fond of bndge’’, he asked 

*I set my face agamst leammg to play bridge years ago 
I have no time for it,’ was my reply 

Laik All s eyes had a humorous twinkle ‘Don’t you like 
the company of women’’ he enquired 

‘Women' Oh yes,' I said 'But one is as much as I can 
manage in one h/e ’ 

In spite of his great self control, he could not help show- 
ing his annoyance He said laughmg, 'I should like to throw 
you out of this window ’ 

r too laughed 'If you want to do that, do it now,’ I said 
This IS the only lime when the bundi ed thousand people who 
followed Gandhiji's ashes to-day are likely to follow my 
funeral ’ 

We shook hands and parted 

On Februajy 20, I met Sir Walter Monckton for the first 
lime We had a very fnendly talk during which we were 
like two lawyers exchangmg impersonal views on the 
respective cases of their chents R need not 6e said that C 
was very greatly impressed by his clarity of perception and 
adroitness of presentation 

The next day Laik All invited me to dinner together with 
Monckton and Moin Nawaz We discussed the same thing 
over again Laik AJi would not move an inch trom his posi 
tion No accession, only alliance No banmng of the Raza- 
kars* activities unless the Union came to a satisfactory arrange 

112 . 


granted by the Union Constituent Assembly. Hyderabad should, 
also have the freedom to appoint Agents in foreign countries, 
to trade. freely and to make its own exchange regulations. It 
must also have the right to enter into independent international 
agreements. , Above all, it must have the right to plan and 
develop its own economy independently of India, with the aid 
of foreign exchange which it had itself earned. .... 

Hyderabad, again, was willing to concede Communica« 
lions to the Union, but it must have complete and excluslvQ 
control over such all-India communications as passed througli 
the State though they connected the north of India with the 

It was the old, old story of September-October, 1947. The 
Nizam's Government was willing to accede to the tlirce Cen- 
tral Subjects, provided all effective control over them was 
handed over to Hyderabad. This formula had a strong family 
likeness to all Hyderabad formulas. It would give the clotli 
as long as it was all holes and no cloth. 

I told Laik AH plainly that if he was determined on the 
stand he had taken, it would be difhcult to convince the 
Government of India that the Nizam was in earnest about con* 
ceding Defence, External Affairs and Communications to the 

Two days later, the asthis were taken in a procession to 
the Sanpam. At the last moment, though Its route was 
diverted through an unfrequented road, both Hindus and 
Muslims joined the procession shouting 'G<indhi)i kl ;ai'. 

Laik Ali, his colleagues, high officials, nawabs, jagirdars 
and a vast concourse, had gathered at the Sanpam. At the 
confluence I performed the ceremony in knee-deep waters 
to the chanting of Vedic mantras. The crowd continued 
to chant Gandhiji's favourite dhun: Ishwar Allah tere nam: 
sabko sanmafi <fe Bhagvan. ‘Thy name is Ishwar and Allah. 
May Thou, Lord, give good sense to us all.’ 

Laik Ali stood by me all the time and I think he was 
moved. It was a great day for Hyderabad, with everyone fra- 
ternising with everyone dse and chanting the same words. 

- That night Laik Ali and 1 met his private house' tc 
continue our discussions which now ranged over the problem 
of the Razakars. I pressed upon him once again the urgent 
need of controlling them; but he would only do so, he said, 



was placed on Uie e-\poit of groundnuts, the staple produce of 
Hyderabad, fiom the State disturbing the markets all over 
India The Indian rupee was also banned in dedance of the 
Standstill Agieement, in consequence the prices of commodities 
Clashed in Hyderabad The State then began to purchase large 
stocks at low prices, m older to build up reserves either to meet 
any ciisis, oi to earn foreign exchange on its own thiough 

Attempts were made to establish tiade connections with 
Persia, Egypt, the United Kingdom, the United States of 
America and Canada A laige amount of sterling was also 
placed at the disposal of the Agent of Hyderabad in the U K 
to meet any emergency or to carry on a direct foieign trade 

Communications had been vested m the Union Goverm 
ment by the Standstill Agreement In disiegard of this, plans 
weie made to buy out Tata & Sons Ltd who held certain, 
shares in Deccan Airways, the icst of the shares being held bj 
the Nizam's Government The object was to acquire mwe aero- 
planes for Deccan Ainvays so that Hyderabad could be linked 
by air with Karachi in West Pakistan and Chittagong in East 
Pakistan On the other hand, when the Union Mmistiy of 
Communications gave a licence at my instance to an Indian 
Airtvays Company to opeiate in Hyderabad, Mom Nawaz claim- 
ed that the territorial integrity of the State had been infnnged 

On February 21, the whole position was reviewed at a 
conference m New Delhi presided over by Sardar ^ This was 
attended by the Chief Mmisters of Bombay, Madras and the 
Central Provinces and the Home Ministerb of Bombay and 
Madras, besides the secretaries of all ministries concerned and 
myself It was decided to lake prompt steps to stop the 
Razakars from trespassing upon the Union territory, to prevent 
the smuggling of arms, ammunition and other goods needed 
for warlike preparations, and to arrest, in so far as it was possi- 
ble, any activity of the Nizam’s Government to further prepa- 
ration for a military conflict 

It was also decided that the atrocities committed by the 
Razakars should be fully reported in radio broadcasts 

1 For Sardar’s remarks vide V P Mcnon Integration of tAe /ndten 
States p 341 


ment with Hyderabad. No consUtuUonal changes except on 
the basis of a 50 : 50 Muslim-non-MusUm ratio. 

The instructions of Sardar, on the other hand, were un- 
equivocal. Responsible Government should be introduced 
first and the Ittehad, which was a menace to the whole ot 
South, must be liquidated forthwith. Satisfactory discussions 
about a permanent settlement could only follow these prelimi- 
nary actions. . . ,017 

Wc were as far opart from each other as m August, ijk. 

Razvi's reactions to the emotions of the people during the 
immersion celebrations had been characteristic. For three 
days Hindus and Muslims had joined in paying homage to 
Gandhiji’s usthis and Hyderabad had lUng with the cries of 
‘Gandhiji ki jai’ and the chantings that Ishwar and Allah were 
the One. This was too much for him and he started one of his 
most vicious attacks on India: 

Free India was being enslaved. When inside the Assembly 
Hall, freedom was being celebrated, lifeless bodies of helple&s 
Muslims lay outside the street?.... The Central Government is 
Incompetent to govern the country. In this atmosphere I am 
asked to establish relations between Hyderabad and Uie Union. 
The question that confronts me Is— ‘With whom shall I establish 
my relations? With Mr. Nehru, Sardar Patel, Capitalism, Socia- 
lism, the Mahasabha, the Rajputs, the Sikhs or the Andhras? 
Hyderabad is a solidarity. You (referring to Indian Union) are 
in the mists. Find out a place for yourself first and then turn 
your attentions to Hyderabad. 

As was usual with him, he never forgot me: 

The State Congress has been transferred to Deccan House. 
The Agent-General in Hyderabad does not represent the Union, 
but is presiding over the Stale Congress. What Is this represen- 
tative of India doing here? Wherever this gentleman sets his 
foot, there is destrucUon. Hyderabad cannot put up with him 
for a moment. 

- Once he wound up by saying: 

You must ask your Government to tear this Instrument 
into pieces at once and throw it into the wastepaper basket. 
The Government are trying to do so and I offer them a further 
opportunity. But as far as the Indian Union is concerned. I 
cannot grant more than one monUi’s time. This declaration of 
-mine can bo taken as a declaration of war. 

Meanwhile the Nizam's Government was taking rapid ac- 
tion oh the basis of being made independent. A ban 



was placed on the expoU of groundnuts, the staple produce of 
Hyderabad, from the State disturbing the markets all o\ei 
India The Indian rupee was also banned m defiance of the 
Standstill Agieement, in consequence the prices of commodities 
Clashed m Hyderabad The State then began to purchase large 
stocks at low prices, in order to build up reserves eithei to meet 
any crisis, or to earn foreign exchange on its own thiough 

Attempts were made to establish trade connections with 
Persia, Egypt, the United Kingdom, the United States of 
America and Canada A laige amount of sterling was also 
placed at the disposal of the Agent of Hydeiabad in the U K 
to meet any emergency or to carry on a direct foieign trade 

Communications had been vested in the Union Govern 
ment by the Standstill Agreement In disi egard of this, plans 
were made to buy out Tata & Sons Ltd , who held certam 
shares in Deccan Airways, the rest of the shares being held by 
the Nizam’s Government The object was to acquire more aero- 
planes for Deccan An ways so that Hyderabad could be linked 
by air with liaiachi in West Pakistan and Chittagong m East 
Pakistan On the other hand, when the Union Ministry of 
Communications gave a licence at my instance to an Indian 
Airways Company to operate in Hyderabad, Mom Nawaz claim- 
ed that the territorial integrity of the State had been infringed 

On February 21, the whole position was reviewed at a 
conference in New Delhi presided over by Sardar ’ This was 
attended by the Chief Ministers of Bombay, Madras and the 
Central Provinces and the Horae Ministers of Bombay and 
Lladras, besides the secretaries of all ministries concerned and 
myself It was decided to take prompt steps to stop the 
Razakars from trespassing upon the Union territory, to prevent 
the smuggling of arms, ammunition and other goods needed 
for warlike preparations, and to arrest, m so far as it was possi- 
bfe, any actfvity of the Wizarak iSb«ernrrreirf ftr Afrefter ptep-s- 
ration for a military conflict 

It was also decided that the atrocities committed by the 
Razakars should be fully leported in ladio broadcasts 

1 For Sarrfar’s rcmarJcs w* V P Menon /nteprabon of the Indian 
Stales p 341 



M eanwhile, my pe^onal lUc, lo say the least, was 
one of perpetual strain. 

My Secretary and Deputy Secretary had gone to live m 
the adjoining house, the Abbey, and only came to DaJeshina 
Sedan lor office-work. Raghupati, my Private Sccrctaiy, my 
Personal Assistant and Major Randhir Singh, the A.D.C., lived 
with me. We were hardly what might be called company, 
pailicularly as some outsider was always present at lunch, 
tea and dinner and our talk invariably remained anchored to 
the affairs of Hyderabad all day long. 

After February, I was seldmn invited to other people’s 
homes. Even if an invitation came, I declined It, for I knew 
that it liad been given at great risk to the host; he was exposing 
himself to the wrath of both the Nizam and the Iltehad and 
would be subjected at least lo espionage. Except for my visits 
to Laik Ali on business, the only people whom I visited, there- 
fore, were Raja Bahadur Aravamudu Iyengar and Srimatl 
Sarojinldevi's husband and children, who, were very kind to 

Up to July, my wife continued to come to Bolarum for some 
days every month, but the visits made her unhappy. The 
life in Dakshina Sedan was cheerless. Most of the day I was 
busy with interviews, reports and correspondence. She had 
nowhere to go and the police and Razakar camps stationed near 
the house had a depressing effect on her. Moreover, the situa- 
tion in which I was placed made her anxious and the reports 
of the atrocities committed by the Razakars which poured in 
almost daily roused her anger. 

The Agent-General's car carrying the Union Flag could 
scarcely pass a lorry full of Razakars without their shouting 
defiance, or singing some such vigorous rhymes as:— 

Nizam ke kadmon pe Nehru ko jhuka denge; 

Patel Munthi }:o kabron me gad denge. 

(We shall force Nehru lo bow low at the feet of the Nizam', 
We shall bury Patel and Munshi In their graves.) 

When we came across littlo boys selling newspapers at 


Street coiners, the National Tlag on my car would make them 
shout Tazi Khabien Saidar Patel mat gaye eh anna' 
(.‘Latest news Sardar Patel dead — one anna’ I could enjoy 
these antics, my wife could not 

Sometimes reports of private meetings where my fate 
had been discussed, upset my wife Once when, she hap- 
pened to be in Bolarum, an alarm was sounded after midnight 
Someone had been trying to scale the compound wall 

All these incidents, trivial in themselves, drove her into 
making a little plan for her own protection I only learnt of it 
on my return to Bombay after the Police Action The reports 
of the kidnapping and molestation of women by the Razakars 
which came so frequently from the villages had set her think- 
ing and at last she managed to secure a bottle of cyanide After 
that, whenever she came to Hyderabad, she earned a little 
snuff-box of the deadly poison m her hand bag ‘Bettei death 
than dishonour’, was what she thought 

When I learnt about this m October, I had the bottle 
thrown away Thank God that nc4>ody had made a mistake, 
for the quantity was enough to poison a whole regiment 
My sons and daughters, if I remember right, came only 
once. They could not understand why 1 continued to live 
under the conditions which existed m Hyderabad 

My daily routine was exacting enough I discussed 
Hyderabad affairs with visitors and foreign correspondents, re- 
ceived reports from various quarters, read and dictated letters 
and wrote my regular bi-weekly reports to Sardar 

The telephone alone served to bring the outside world to 
me My daily communications on the telephone with 
Sardar, except when he was too ill to talk, were an excellent 
tonic For years we had talked to each other over the tele- 
phone about the most Important things in the world in a 
language of our own We spoke m Gujarati, interloading it 
ivJih village jdjnras Each pBrson referred to bad a 

code name and each subject a code stoty, which unfolded itself 
from day to day 

On most days, I bod telephone talks with V P Menon 
Sometimes. I had talks %\ ith O P Ramaswami Reddiar, the Chief 
Minister of Madras Morarji Desai then the Home Minister of 
Bombay, and with D P Misra, the Home Mmister of the Cen- 
tral Provinces (now Madhya Pradesh) Infrequently, I talked 



With Dr. Bidhan Chandra Roy, the Chief ilinister of Bengal. 
I also talked to several Individuals outside Hyderabad, for 
wagons and trucks, bringing arms and ammunition, had to be 
tracked down to prevent their being smuggled into the State, 
and spies had to be followed. ‘ . 

In the mid-Victorian days of the mail coach, people talked 
of the sanctity of personal correspondence. But in those days 
criminals and members of subversive groups did not try to hold 
nations and societies to ransom as they do at present. Science 
also had not made communications ubiquitous and easy. But 
now, nothing is easier for the enemies of the State than to carry 
on wide-spread conspiracies through the communication 
agencies provided by it. 

Telephonic communication between Hyderabad and tlic 
world passed through the control room in Trimulgherry near 
Bolarum. It was within my jurisdiction and the reports of 
intercepted conversation about Hyderabad affairs were most 
amusing. There were strange conversations; sometimes clear- 
ly political, sometimes merely intriguing. For instance, there 
were times when an English lady in Hyderabad talked to ano- 
ther In Nevv Delhi in French songs — which I am sure were 
not exorcises in recitation. 

Some of the censored letters were also highly entertain- 
ing. For instance, a lady from England wrote to a Begum in 
Hyderabad a curious letter. It appeared that when the 
writer had left Hyderabad she had taken a few of the pendants 
from an old chandelier in the Residency. Would the 
Begum be kind enough to get in touch with an old servant, 
who was named and who was now on the Agent-General's 
establishment, and secure a few more, as her set was incom- 
plete without them? Then there was the gentleman who, in 
hU letters to three ladies in different parts of the world, dis- 
cu.';«cd love and politic.s with equal enthusiasm. 

I have the habit of pursuing the study of some .subject 
unconnected with the work in Jiand. At this time I was in- 
icrcstttl In the fall of ancient Gujarat, brought about in A.D. 
12.00 by the armies of Sultan Ala-ud-din IChalji of Delhi. The 
four wicked Gujaratis who were then caplur^ and taken to 
Delhi seemed to me fa.scinating. They were Kamala Devi, the 
queen of the last king of Gujarat, and her beautiful daughter, 



Deval Devi, tliough from a historical point of view, I con- 
cluded, that these two were <»ily the figment of the poet Amir 
IChusru’s imagination The other two were Malik Kafur and 
Khusrau’ the Sultan who succeeded Mubarak IChalji who was 
himself killed by the Tughlaks These were Hindu slaves cap- 
tured from Gujarat and transplanted to Delhi, where they 
prospered and met with an ignominious end leaving a record 
of brutality and shame 

I also began to write a novel of the period, wth Deval 
Devi as the heroine, but the atmosphere in which I \vas living 
was not conducive to the free play of imagination and I was 
obliged to rewrite the first part of it at Lucknow in 1953 

It was impotiSible to keep the few armoured cais and 
tanks, the last remnant of the Indian Army In the Secundera 
bad Cantonment any longer The corps was deployed in such 
a way that these vehicles had to be sent to Jhansi for being 

I held a ceremonial parade to bid good>bye to tiie depart- 
ing remnant of the army which had always occupied the Secun- 
derabad Barracks since the days of Lord Wellesley and had 
been the pivot round which the peace and unity of India had 
revolved for a hundred and fifty years I was not happy at 
parting with it, and I prayed that the day might soon come 
when the Indian Army might be re installed once again m the 

Laik All, some of the Ministers and several public men, 
weie invited on this occasion As cai after car and tank after 
tank passed by, dipping its gun I took the salute I need not 
say that those present who were connected with tlie Ittehad, 
w ere very unhappy 

Later, some of the Ittehad leadws made a grievance of 
this ceremony on the ground that it had humihated the Nizam 
‘Munshi performed the c«^mony to impress upon the people 
the might of India’, they said Thq^ did not realise that the 
wretched people of the State, who were every day subjected 
to the threat of sword, gunshot, murder and arson were en- 
titled to have at least one day when th^ could see for them- 
selv es how well protected they were 

My world was circumscribed by the compound wall of the 
DaKshiva Sadan In the evemn& however, fnends dropped m 



and we had walks in the gardens. On most evenings Raniachari, 
Ramakrishna Rao or Ganeriwal would keep me company. 

During all these months I had to face various difficulties 
and frustrations and sometimes even humiliation which hurt 
me deeply. I could only keep going by dhyan. (concentration 
of the mind) and prayers. I recited everyday— sometimes 
twice or thrice — the Twelfth Canto of the Bhagavad. Gita. I 
needed all the strength that Sri Krishna could give me. I do 
not know how many times a day I repeated the lines; 

The devotee exi>ects nothing; 

He Is pure of hear^ in detachment, enveloped; 

He is bent on the task before him; 

Rising above distress, he never seeks for himself; 

Such a devotee of Mine is dear to Me. 

I confess that I was sometimes inclined to take a short- 
cut out of the life I was leading by asking Sardar to relieve 
me of this particular office. I was out of pocket; the duties 
were onerous; my future was at stake. Before my appointment 
as Agent-General, I had been unpopular with some highly- 
placed circles in New Delhi -and I knew that now I was sure 
to be more unpopular with them. To this knowledge was added 
the distinct possibility that there were Raeakars who might 
make an attempt to secure a' place in heaven by doing away 
with me. 

In spile of these things, God gave me the strength to stick 
to my job. 

The Brahmans, with Sanskrit as their instrument, had 
given cultural unity to India as the land of dhanna. They had 
dreamt of political unity and of the ancient chahravartis who 
had held it together. But neither Chandragupta Maurya nor 
Asoka, neither Samudragupta nor Akbar, had succeeded in 
doing so. 

I, too, had dreamt of Indian Unity 'and in an insignificant 
way had worked for it. Now there had arisen a mighty man 
who was consolidating the land as never before. God had 
given me the rare privilege of being in his confidence, and of 
being able to serve him. 

In coming here 1 had accepted God’s mandate, and I had 
to obey it. If I succeeded, Hyderabad would cease to disrupt 
India; if, in seeking the unity of India, I lost my life, it was 
worth losing for I should have left a tradition behind. 



T hough the cJaborate discussions which Laik Ah, Mcin 
Nawaz and myself were having, struck no common 
ground, they disclosed two firm positions from which it 
was impossible to dislodge Laik Ali Both were fraught with 
grave and immediate danger 

First of all Laik Ah denied unequivocally that the State 
Forces Scheme was binding on the Nizam’s Government The 
Union Government, therefore, had no power to control or 
supervise the Nizam’s troops, and Hyderabad was independent 
of the Union in matters of Defence 

This was a clear repudiation of the Standstill Agreement, 
which vested all matters relating to Defence m the Government 
of India On a closer examination of the agreements and ar> 
rangements which went by the name of the Indian State 
Forces Scheme, 1 also discovered that many of their terms had 
already been violated in the most flagrant way In fact, if Laik 
All stuck to his contentions the Union would have no choice 
but to stand by and watch Hyderabad developing into a hostile 
military camp 

Secondly, Laik Ah declined either to liquidate tlie Raza- 
kars or to control their activities, unless he was provided with 
full equipment foi the army and the armed police of the State 
m such unfettered strength as he thought proper The Govern- 
ment of India was therefore offeral the choice of either 
accepting the irregular Razakars and all that their existence 
involved, including the growth of the Communist resistance, 
or. of making the Ittehad an arm of regulars, 90% of which 
would be Muslims, which at its behest, could be used against 
the Hindus in the State and the border districts outside, as 
also to force the Union Government into military action 
The position in short was that the Union Government must 
either make Hyderabad militarily strong without any obliga- 
tion on Its part to accede, or allow the position to deteriorate 
till public trmquiliity in the South was seriously disrupted 
I discussed these matters with Sardar and V P Menon, 



and on February 28. I wrote a letter to Laik Ali summarising 
the case. 

In this connection I must point out that the most serious 
menace to the internal tranouUlUy of the Stale and of all the 
bordering areits is the Itlehad Organisation which thrives mainly 
on the patronage and support of your Government. Its avowed 
object is to secure the sovereignty of Hyderabad, which, accord- 
ing to its declared doctrines, vesU In the Muslim subjecu of the 
Nizam. ILs volunteer force Is 150,000 strong and its leader. 
Mr. Kasim RazvI. has recently appealed for the stepping up of 
recruitment by r^.OOO more volunteers. Thl.H organisation pro- 
vides a fertile source of recruitment to the Stale Army and 
Police Forcc.=:. Its volunteers, Razakars, oixeata throughout the 
State in close collaboration with the State Army and Police 
Forces. They spread a reign of tenor amongst the noa-MuslIm 
population of the State and it Js common knowledge that, al- 
though tliey have been inUlcllng widci-pread injury on persons 
and property, they are generally immune from the processes and 
pcnaltias of the law- Assisted Ijy the State Police and Military, 
they frequently conduct raids on the neighbouring provinces 
of the Dominion. 

After a close 8iu«iy of tlie facts and making every allowance 
for panicky rcport.s. 1 have lioen driven to the conclusion— and 
I has c no doul)t any Impartial tribunal will equally come to the 
same conclusion— that the Razakars are a private Army operat- 
ing in the State with the active aid and cooperation of the pn.- 
sent Government; that they are a principal contributory factor 
to the general insecurity prevailing not only In Hyderabad but 
also in (he neighbouring Provinces; and that they therefore con- 
stitute a threat to the security of India, which Is a matter of 
common concern to the Gnveroment of India and the Nizam’s 

My conclusion is more than justified by the professed aim 
of the Razakar activities as openly announced by Ka«.lm Razvi, 
the President of the Itlchad-ul-Ma«dmeen, in no uncertain 

The President of the Ittchad-id-Musalmccn has appeal- 
ed for five lakhs of Razakars. He has stated that women are 
also being prepared for a light on the borders of Hyderabad, 
whicli necessarily implies a war with India. He has openly 
declared again and again that Hyderabad Is an Islamic SUte 
and that sovereignty therein vests In the Muslims of Hyderabad. 
He has called upon the Razakars to liberate tlie Muslims of 
India from the Government of India and ha.s charged my Gov- 
ernment with .supplying arms to those who carry on violent 
political activities in Hyderabad. These pronouncements, com- 
. ing as they do from the President of the Party to which a majo- 
rity of the Ministers in your present Government ou'o allegiance, 



are calculated to inflame the Muslims of the State and in the 
whole of India ag^nst the non Muslims and the Dominion of 

Although by my letter No D6/LAy7, dated tlie 11th Feb- 
ruary, 194S, I protested that the attacks on the Government of 
India should be stopped 1 have been vouchsafed no reply 
The acUvJtlc:> of the Razakars are proving so serious a menace 
to the tranquillity of South India as would, in my opinion attract 
the Defence Power of the Doiiunion Government I am sure, 
however, that you mil agree with me that every possible en- 
deavour should be made to obviate the need of invoking it. 

I sliould, therefore like to have your assurance that, in 
the interest of tlie <?ccunty of India your Government will be 
willing to co-operate with the Government of India b> with- 
lioldmg all aid to Uie Ittehadiil Musalmcen Organisation so as 
to incapacitate Its Ilazakars from proving a menace to the secu 
nty and tranquillity of India and, if the Government of India 
so desire, banning the organisation altogether, as has been 
done In the case of the Rashtnya Swayam Sevak Sangh organi 
satlon in the Provinces and States of India 
I also offered my willingness to go with him tlnough the 
State and the bordering districts and co operate with him In 
restoring Jaw and order 

At the beginning of March the Hyderabad Delegation, 
consisting of Laik Ah, Sir Walter Monckton and Mom Nawaz 
paid Its usual visit to New Delhi At a meeting held on March 
2, With Lord Mountbatten, the discussions were conducted 
on the same old lines What had taken place between Laik 
Ah and India’s Agent General at Hyderabad, most of which was 
lecoided m agreed minutes duly initialled and submitted to 
the States Ministrj, did not come into the picture at all 

In the course of the discussions, Laik Ah’s stand remained 
unchanged There was no possibihty of Hyderabad s acceding 
to India, noi of responsible Government being introduced in 
the State, a Hindu majonty government was out of the que^ 
tion The reports about the atrocities committed by the Kara 
kars w ere all untrue That volunteer corps had come mto exis 
tence spontaneously because the Aluslims of Hyderabad had felt 
their lives in danger A suggestion by Lord Mountbatten that 
the Razakar organisation should be banned evoked no reply 
Laik Ah, supported by Sir Walter Monckton, created a 
great impression on the Governor-General's immediate circle 



There was nothing wrong with Hyderabad; it was possible 
that it was only India’s Agent-General who was creating diffi- 
culties in the way of smooth negotiations. Laik All w’as in- 
jured innocence itself. He declared that he would have loved 
to talk directly to the Ministers of Madras, Bombay and the 
C.P. Governments, but much to his disappointment, he had 
been told that all business should be done tlirough the Agent- 
General. What was he, helpless as he was, to do? 

Anyhow, I was nice enough when it suited Laik Ali. In 
the course of our endless discussions, he had continually reitera- 
ted his desire to introduce representative Government on a fifty- 
fifty basis. On one occasion, in a moment of irritation, 1 remem- 
ber 10 have said: ‘What is the use of repeating this every time? 
Jf you are in earnest about It, why not start doing it?’ This was 
reported to New Delhi as my acceptance of the fifty-fifty ratio! 

The visit of the Hyderabad Delegation to New Delhi ended 
as pleasantly as ever. New Delhi was happy that Hyderabad 
had been good enough not to break off negotiations. Hydera- 
bad was happy that time had been gained. Laik AH gave a 
promise that the 20 crore securities given to Pakistan would not 
be cashed during the term of the Standstill Agreement. 

However, the press statement which was about to be issued 
as a result of the Delegation's meeting with Mountbatten, could 
not be published. On March 5, Sardar had a heart attack and 
was confined to bed. The strain had been too much oven for his 
sturdy constitution. 

During the time that these discussions were going on, 
I also happened to be in New Delhi. Sardar fully realised 
that Laik AU did not mean business and he told me that as 
the month of March would soon come to an end, a strong lino 
would have to be taken. He asked Menon and myself to pre- 
pare a note pointing out the breach of the appropriate clauses 
of the Standstill Agreement, and demanding a ban on Razakars. 
If Laik Ali did not comply with the demand, the frontiers 
would have to be sealed off to prevent trouble spreading to 
the surrounding Union districts. 

SaidsT also a^ed y. 7’. Menon to take Major-General 
Himmatsinhji, Military Adviser to the States Ministry, and my- 
self and place the matter frankly before Lord Mountbatten. 

Major-General Himmatsinhji and I accompanied by V. P. 
Menon met Lord Mountbatten on March 6. 



Jji th{, course of the Ulte^vle^v which took pJace on M^rch 
G I referred to the deterioration in the law and order situation 
in Hyderabad and the surrounding areas I told Lord Mount 
batten of the plight of the villagers and of the murders 
loot and arson committed by the Razakars Major General 
Himmatsmhji who had paid a visit to Hyderabad and seen 
things for himself gave his impressions of the military prepa 
rations that were taking place in the State I wound up by 
saying that after two raontlis of strenuous efforts at negotiating 
a settlement I had been convinced tliat the Nizam s Govern 
ment did not mean business but were only killing time till the 
Standstill Agreement ran out 

I spoke quite frankly to Lord Mounlbatten Indeed the 
time had come when it would have been a breach of duty on 
my part if I failed to apprise him of the real situation But 
when I left hun I felt sure Uiat I had become persojia non 
grata I noi\ have the testimony of Campbell Johnson that 
my assumption was correct 

In view of Sardars sudden illness V P Menon and 
I decided that we should wait a little longer before making 
the final demand on the Nizams Government to repair the 
breaches of the Standstill Agreement Meanwhile I ivas to 
make a hnal effort to press upon Laik Ah the immediate necca 
sity of bringing the Razakars under control We were then 
under the impression that Sardars health would improve in 
two or three weeks 

When I returned to Bolarum I found the attitude of Laik 
Ah changed He was now sure of himself as never before 
The Round Table Conference of local leaders which Laik Ah 
had publicly promised to call never came into being Razvi 
would not join it The State Congress would also not join un 
less Ramanand Tirtha was released from gaol and Laik Ah 
\v ould not release him It was an empty gesture never intend 
ed to be followed up by words 

This self confident attitude struck me. as rather strange 
It may have been the result of many factors like the conversa 
tion with Lord Mountbatten m winch the issues which I had 
raised were not so much as referred to the certainty of pro- 
tracting the slow motion negotiatirais with Lord Mountbatten 
and the hope that the collapse of Sardar s health might prove 



I began a fresh round of discussions with Laik Ali and 
Moin Nawaz, during which I made a last effort to persuade 
them to take decisive action against the Razakars. I urged 
upon them that if the panic created by the Razakars was allay- 
ed, the border areas would settle down, law and order would be 
restored and the strict watch kept by the Union police on the 
border areas would be relaxed. There was then a chance of 
the negotiations succeeding. 

When this issue was insistently pressed, Laik Ali came 
out with a frank reply. He admitted that the Razakars had 
enormously increased in number on account of the prevailing 
political atmosphere. But, he said, in view of the situation 
he would not discourage Razakars from pursuing their acti- 
vities. He ^vould only deal with them if the State 
army and the police were raised to the strength that he wanted 
and full equipment were supplied for them by the Union 
Government. In such an event, ten thousand or more Razakars 
would be enlisted in the regular army and the police and the 
Razakars would no longer remain a separate force. 

Meanwhile Laik Alt seemed to have gained the impression 
that Sardar’s health had shaken me in my stand, and that I was 
prepared to help him to raise the Nizam’s army and police to 
the strength he wanted and to supply them with all the equip- 
ment he required. 

Our discussions were, in a sense, unreal. Neither Laik 
Ali nor myself, referred in the course of them to the change 
that had come over the situation in Hyderabad in the last fort- 
night of February. 

This was our last friendly discussion. We drew up the 
minutes of our negotiations and initialled them. The next 
day or the day after I left for New Delhi. The terms 
which Laik Ali had accepted as final marked no advance on 
his former position, and in my note to Sardar I had no hesi- 
tation in suggesting their definite rejection. 

However, in view of the impression which had been left 
on his mind, Laik Ali remained in the hope that a favourable 
reply to his suggestions was sure to be forthcoming. Every 
evening he inquired from me on the telephone when I would 
be returning to Hyderabad and what had been the result of my 
talks. It was somewhat difiScult to give a straightforward reply. 



A CLEAR picture of the rapidiy deteriorating situation 
in Hyderabad m the mouths of February and Jfaich 
can only emerge if the implications of the change are 
kept in mind 

Towards the end of February, the South-East Asian Youth 
Conference was held in Calcutta This had been sponsored 
by the World Federation of Democratic Youth and the Intei- 
national Union of Students both Communist orgamoations 
Behind this innocent facade, a i evolutionary decision was 
taken by important Communist leaders from ^dnous parts of 
the world 

It was at this Conference tliat the leaders of the Commu- 
nist Parties of China Buima Malaya and Indonesia framed 
a common progiamnie As a result a definite break was decid- 
ed upon m the policy of the Communist Party of India The 
thesis adopted condemned the Indian Socialists foi betraying 
the demociatic revolution characterised the Nehru Government 
as a stooge of the United Kingdom and the United States of 
Araeiica and suggested tlie withdrawal of Communist suppoi-t 
from It or rather, ivhatever went by that name The draft Con- 
stitution of India was also condemned as reactionary and un- 

This decision biought about a rc orientation m the acti- 
vities of the Communist Parly in Hyderabad Accoidmg to a 
secret circular, Andhra, where the Communists had acquired 
a substantial hold was to be the first area to be Sovietised, 
wherefiom the whole of India could be ‘liberated’ 

A’? !-£> AbA? jbliwl; s aww 

TJio Bazakais weie to be bailed on a more vigorous scale and 
an active programme to set up Soviets in the villages under 
the control was to be pushed through Through insurrection 
and guerilla warfaie, complete control was to be acquired over 
the Telugu speaking areas of the Knshna, Guntur, West Goda- 
vari and East Godavari districts in Madras, and Nalgonda and 
Warangal districts of Hyderabad 



Though the effect began to be felt in Hyderabad in the 
middle ot Februaiy, Communist propaganda had for some tune 
been trained against the State Congr^ and the Nehru 
Government; according to it the Standstill Agreement was a 
Nizam-Patel conspiracy and the State Congress undemocratic 
and reactionaiy'. Curiously enough, the Communists and Uie 
Hazakars were agreed on one point: the Nehru Government 
was the enemy. 

By the end of February the Communists had dropped the 
make-believe of a United Front with the State Congress. The 
State Congress workers and their sympathisers, who were 
allies but a few weeks before, now became avowed enemies; 
they were often assaulted and driven out of the districts which 
were under Communist controL The Communist influence 
was also extended up to the City of Hyderabad and active 
centres were set up in the soulliem district of Atrafabalda. 

By the middle of March I gathered the details of the 
mounting atrocities which were being committed by the Com- 
munists as well as by the Razakars. The position had taken, 
an extremely ugly turn. The Communists flung themselves 
upon the Telugu-speaking districts and occupied village after 
village in the guise of resisting the Razakars. 

The Communist Crimes in Hyderabad, a I'eport issued by 
the Hyderabad Government relating to this period, summarises 
the position as follows:— 

From the 15Ui Augubl. 19tC to IStli September, 194S, they 
brutally murdered nearly 2000 persons, attacked 22 police out- 
posts, seized and destroyed village records, manhandled a large 
number of Tillage officials, burnt ‘ebadris’ and Customs out- 
posts, captured 230 guns, looted or destroyed paddy and robbed 
cash and jewellery worth more than a million rupees. They 
attempted largeecale disruption of communications and lines of 
supply and transport and steadily and systematically adopted 
the technique of guerilla fighting with the arms and resources 
at their disposal. 

The nature of the atrocities committed by the Communists 
can be illustrated by a few typical instances: 

More than 300 armed Conununists raided the village Ped- 
davicl. Huzumagar Taluq, Kalgonda district, murdered ten vil- 
lagers, including women and children and severely Injured ten 
others. Seventy houses had been set fire to, all of them were 
gutted and children were thrown ' into the fire. This Inci- 
dent was a reprisal as one of the villagers of Peddaxid had 



given information to the police about the piesence in the neigh 
bourhood of Kot ^a^aln a notonous Communist outlaw Six 
teen people including a wonum, were kidnapped by Cornmumsts 
at a place near Pengot and taken to Lingagln The men were 
murdered and their bodies set on fire The burnt bodies were 
later foimd lying near the Lmgagirl border but there was no 
trace of the woman \ party of twenty five Communists entered 
the village Dharmpahad at night caught hold of an aged IdusUm 
woman took her to the jungle and speared her to death 
A considerable number of these atrocities took place dur 
mg the campaign which had been started at the beginnmg of 
March though its active phase had begun by the end of 

As late as July 1951 when 1 visited the Warangal dis 
tixct the Communists were still spreading terror and devasta 
tion m the villages in the forest areas. 

The activities of the Razakars rose m propoxtion to thobe 
of the Communxsts They were now being openly supported 
by the armed forces of the State and the police But neither 
belligerent though each one claimed to be fighting the other 
ever dared to go into the other s territory both were conduct 
mg their warfare by committing atrocities m the unfortunate 
viUages within one s own temlory 

Prom October 1947 when the Standstill Agreement was 
made on the 3rd of April 1948 there were no less than 260 
incidents m which the Razakars acted with savage brutality 
Of these the worst were perpetrated during the intensive stage 
which began about the end of February 

The technique of the Razakars was common m all the 
three districts of Nalgonda Warangal and Bidar For instance 
on March 10 the Communists raided the two villages Wadlo- 
konda and Somavaram m the Warangal district beat a num 
ber of the men and ill treated some o£ the women Among 
them were a couple of Muslims 

Next day the Muslim Sub Inspector of Police amved in 
JlfedtofeMJda sm! raizMM’ad lbs* rntjab of the resj 

dents possessed under the licences issued by the Government 
On the 12th and 13tb the Razakars led by the president 
of the local Ittehad and supported by the Sub Inspector at 
tacked the village Three hundred houses were burnt so 
were a large number of grain stores Of the twenty two per 
sons killed eighteen were Iiped up m the Bazar and shot dead 
Sixteen carts with their bullocks were cast into the fire. 



The Razakars then spread into the adjoining villages, 
burning, looting, killing and belabouring the inhabitants. 
Their technique was uniform. Headed by the Police, they 
entered a village and took all the men into custody. The able- 
bodied men were then taken to the bazar, where they Avere 
made to stand in line and shot dead. The ornaments of the 
women, including the mangdtasutra, a sacred ornament with 
which no married woman would part, were then snatched 
away. After that the rest of Razakars went into the village, 
sprinkled petrol on the houses and set fire to them. Some- 
times people were burnt in their own houses or thrown into 
the fire. 

Within a very few days, nine villages w’ere thus reduced 
to ashes, thousands of men were killed, numerous women were 
molested and numerous houses and grainstores burnt down by 
the hundred. 

But the activities reached their climax in the district of 

On January 29, the Minister Venkatarao, leader of the 
Ittchad Harljans, made a vicious attack in an open conference 
on the Brahmans, Banlas and Lingayats, who formed a large 
class of the petty traders In the Bidar district. He declared 
that the Lingayats were the arch criminals who were respon- 
sible for the miseries of the depressed classes and he therefore 
exhorted his people to exterminate them. 

Between the middle February and the end of May, the 
Ittchad Harijans of Bidar, led rather than actively supported 
by the Razakars and helped by the police, responded to their 
leader s call. They devastated 129 villages in the district, 
burnt over a thousand houses; looted lakhs’ worth of property; 
killed several hundreds of villagers of both sex and committed 
rape on dozens of unfortunate women. 

On the 2Ist of Febniaty, the Razakars burnt down 55 
liouses, kidnapped two women and looted or destroyed property 
^lucd at four lakhs of rupees. Between the 24th and 27th of 
niurder and rape were perpetrated in 
12 villages in the Chitapoka Taluka. 

Before the 3rd of March. 1950, about 50 viUages were 
similarly dealt with in the Bidar Taluka and the poUce had 
taken no action whatever. 

ThKC incidents were reported to me by a number of lead- 



mg public men The correspondents of our leading news- 
papers went to the affected villages and verified the conditions 
I also made enquiries through my own men. 

Later, the Lawyers’ Vigilance Committee, including 
Member of the Legislative Council, visited several of these un- 
fortunate villages and made their report A lurid picture was 
given by the Vigilance Committee of the village of Gorta, which 
was destroyed on May 10 as a part of the campaign which 
began in February The horrors can best be described m their 
own words. 

After Cluncholi we reached Gorta on the ITtb of May, 1948, 
at II am Gorta presented an awful and heartrending sight. 
Nobody was there except one wounded person and three aged 
women The whole village and Its surroundings, even from 
afar were stinking awfully Hundreds of cattle were breath- 
ing their last for want of water and fodder All round the 
village the dead bodies of animaL were seen lying in a decom- 
posed state Heaps of human skeletons and bones and half- 
burnt dead bodies were seen lying even at the time of our 
visit In different places In the whole village Even m the very 
village the bad odour is unbearable 

The village is completely desolate The houses and the 
localities have been entirely ruined. Mr Abdul Hamid Khan, 
SuMnspector, Karimabad, along with six constables, is staying 
in the Luxml Temple 

There (had been) many wealthy Hindu inhabitants n the 
village before this Incident There were 400 houses In the villige 
with a population of 2,500 but now except the Government 
godown and the houses belonging to the community of the 
Depressed Classes and the MusUros. the rest have been gutted 
The loss Is estimated at Its 70 lakhs 

TUI our visit to the village no Panchnama had been pre- 
pared by the police either of (the) human bones or (the) dead 
bodies or the gutted houses (or) that of the loss The said 
Sub-Inspector slated that no Panch was available for prepar- 
ing the Panchnama, and that he was unable to Identify the 
bones and the dead bodies burnt 

Meanwhile a resident of the village who had taken shelter 
in the acQbmmg vffihge came eftew fti larjrtn^ c/ itis cstiSt 
(He) appeared to be utterly frightened In the absence of the 
Sub-Inspector we consoled him and on enquiry he started weep- 
mg. and said Wore than 200 persons have been mercilessly 
murdered and the dead bodies have been burnt m cow-dung 
cakes and heads of fodder' He even pointed out where the 
dead bodies (had been) heaped together and burnt. 

Wo stepped into the house, along with the Sub-ln=.peitoi, 
where the dead bodies had been gathered together and burnt. 


Human skulls and bones were found everr^’liere. ■ Tbeir.panch* 
nama was, prepared in our presence. After (that) we and the 
Sub-lnspertor proceeded to the-field of Mr. ,Narayan Rao Mek* 
tedar, where heaps of kadbl w'ere lying. Many, dead bodies 
(had been) gathered and burnt in the heaps. ‘ Here also human 
bones and the remains of iho dead bodies were found, half burnt. 
Moreo^'er, there were two heaps of fcadl*t in the field of one 
Channappa In which dead bodies (had been) burnt. Human 
skulls and bones u'ero found there. , , , • . 

It is evident from the Inspection of these places that over 
200 persons (had been) murdered. After the ■ preparation of 
(the) panchanama the Sub-Inspector collected the -bones and 
sent them for medical examinaUon. One witness said that the 
raiders were Muslims and Dheds. They belonged to different vil- 
lages. Most of them belonged to the villages Godgaon, Boral. 
Kankat, Bonvadl, Kamla, ChlnchU and Panchnal. 

Another witness said that the raiders numbered 500 and 
(he) knew many of them. One constable named Qudrat Ullah 
bearing badge No. 38 (had been) present on the occasion. He 
stated that the attack had taken place on 10th May and 300 
goondas took part in the raid, and the (villagers) resisted 
for two days, but due to constant and serious attack, they had 
to run for their lives. The house of Madliappa, which was 
more or less a fort, was gutted completely. All the other houses 
were also fully burnt But we are surprised that the Govern- 
ment godowns and the houses belonging to Muslims and the 
depressed classes were left untouched. 

Meanwhile two shepherds, who had taken shelter In tlie 
adjoining village, happened to come over there. Both of them 
corroborated the statement of the witness. We have taken 
many snapshots of the gutted houses and Uie bones.' Most of 
the woimdcd and the murdered belonged to Uie Llngayat 



T he subversive activities of the Communists had, helped 
the Raaakai-s to spread terror in the non-Communist 
areas. The Nizam’s Government could control neither 
the one nor the other -without the assistance of the Govern- 
ment of India which they would not take. The Government of 
India was their enemy No. 1. 

When on the 19th and 20th of March, I was at New Delhi, 
V. P. Menon and I reviewed the situation very carefully. By 
then, though the Government of India had embarked upon a 
sweeping movement over the subversive activities of the 
Communist^ in the different Provmces, they were help- 
less so far as Hyderabad was concerned. The border areas in 
the Union Provinces were aflame with panic and the utmost 
the Union police could do was to resist the Kazakars’ incur- 
sions into their territory. It was also difflcult for the Madras 
Goi^mment to suppress the Communists’ activities m the 
Telugu-speaking districts of their own Provijice, for the people, 
including the Congressmen, sympathised and not necessarily 
passively, with the Communist resistance in Hyderabad. 

' All these factors were very disturbing. Unless the Raza- 
kars were liquidated the Communists would continue to’ grow 
in strength and acquire a greater strangle-hold over the 
Telugu-speaking districts and areas. At the same time, the 
Nizam’s Government would continue to grow weak and in the 
end, the Communists would obtain a complete hold over 
Andhra. In the meantime, the Mountbatten negotiations im- 
mobilising the Government of India, would proceed month 
after month, from futility to futility. The Nizam’s Government 
would continue to strengthen their armed forces, to manufac- 
ture arms and ammunition, to enlist the sympathies of foreign 
countries, to woo the Conservative Party in England, .and 
when the time came, invoke the aid of the Security Council 
of the U.N.O.. " , i . . X I 

Meanwhde South India was lapsing into insecurity and 
the only man who could take dedsive action lay seriously ill. 



The time had therefore come, Menon and L thought, to imple- 
ment the decision of giving some kind of ultimatum to the 
Nizam’s Government on the Razakar issue. 

I prepared the draft of a letter which was recast by V. P. 
Menon and in which the brMches of the Standstill Agreement 
committed by the Nizam's Government were set out in full, 

■ It also called upon the Government to fulfil its obligations by 
withdrawing the twenty crore loan notes which had been 
handed over to the Pakistan Government; by agreeing to a 
joint commission to examine and determine the agreements 
and arrangements relating to matters of Defence; by furnishing 
a return of the strength, organisation and equipment of the 
Police in the form in use prior to August 15, 1947; by ban- 
ning the organisation of Razakars; by repealing the Ordinance 
which made the use of Indian currency for cash transactions 
illegal in the State; by cancelling the ban on the export of 
gold, groundnuts and other oil-seeds; and by cancelling the 
agreement, if any, with the United Press of America regarding 
the transmitting and/or receiving station for foreign news. 
The letter concluded as follows: — 

The peculiar poslUon of lUchad-ul-Miissalmeen in Hyderabad 
and of the Communists on the border causes the gravest con- 
cern to the Government of India. They consider that in the inte- 
rest of peace inside the State and on both sides of the border, 
the Ittehad-ul-Mussalmeen should be banned and its organisa- 
tions wound up. If the acUviUcs of the Ittehad are not imme- 
diately stopped, it is apprehended that a very grave sltuaUon 
^vill develop Involving the security not only of Hyderabad, but 
also of the adjoining Provinces of C.P., Bombay and Madras. 

I am accordingly to request that H.E.H.'3 Government will 
take prompt and dermite steps to fulfil their obligations arising 
out of the StandsUIl Agreement and to ban the Ittehad as sug- 
gested. The Government of India wlU appreciate a very early 
reply indicating the action which H.E.H. the Nizam’s Govern- 
ment decides to take, or has taken in respect of the various 
matters set out in this letter.' 

We finalised the letter, which was approved by Sardar. 
Under his instructions we also showed it to Panditji, who also 
approved of the draft. 

In Hyderabad, Laik AU was impatiently awaiting my re- 
turn. He was expecting that I would bring Sardar’s consent 

1 White Paper on Hyderabad (Supplement), p. 22. 



to his proposals In fact, the previous day he had made an 
impatient enquiry of me as to when 1 was returning to 

On reaching Hyderabad on ilarch 26, I went to Laik 
Ahs office and banded over the letter of V P Menon, adding 
that the States Mmistry had authorised me to deliver it He 
discovered an unusual touch of formality behind my worda 
He hurriedly tore open the envelope and read through the 
contents of the letter His face fell He was mamfestly 

t bade him good bye and was going to leave, when he beg- 
ged. me not to go I could not find it in my heart to leave him 
with, such abruptness, so I complied with his wishes For a 
nimute or two he did not know what to say 

He then asked me whether Panditji had also approved of 
the letter I replied, 'This is a Government letter and to my 
knowledge, both Panditji and the Sardar have approved of it ’ 
‘What has led to this sudden change?' he asked 
‘If the Nizam is a fnend of the Union’, I said, he should 
prevent the Bazakars from disturbing the peace of the South 
and mobilising the Muslims of India against the Union' 

We went over the same ground again Laik Ah ultimate 
ly said m exatement 'The Nizam is willing to be a 
martyr, two lakhs of Muslims are willing to offer their lives 
for Hyderabad's independence 1 want you to put a bullet 
into me’ 

‘Nothmg of the kmd You will live to be the Prime 
Mixuster for many years to come’ was my reply and with that 
I left 

As usual, on going home I dicuted the minutes of our 

V P ’s letter of 23rd of March, which I delivered on the 
26th, had the momentary effect of bringing reality to the fore 
On March 29, a high level conference was held between 
Laik Ah Razvi and some of the Ittehad leaders, to discuss the 
lines on which to meet the demand The conference came to 
the conclusion that the Government of India was sure to lose 
on the Kashmir front and would not risk taking any acuon 
in Hyderabad, that if they attempted any such thing, the 
Muslims m the whole of India would nse against the Hindus 
Sardar was dying Once he was dead, Muoshi would go and 

thingii \\ould settle down once more to the monthly rounds of 
jnfructuous negotiations 

ihe month of March expnedl The iietiod which Sardai 
had fixed for the bringing about permanent accession had 
come to an end. So had the period in which I had promised 
Gandhiji to do ray best to negotiate a settlement 

Immediately the letter of March 23 was delivered, 
Laik All, Jlom Nawaiz and Razvi assumed full control of the 
situation The Nizam was completely isolated Been Yar 
Jung, as the watch-dog of the rulmg group, was m full time 
attendance on him and even Sir Walter Monclcton could not see 
him as freely as before The practice so far followed of placmg 
all papers before him was changed, now Laik Ah only gave 
oral reports of what was happening Hash, so far in daily 
attendance, was told by the Nizam not to attend at the King 
Kothi on the excuse tliat he was unwell 

On March 29, I met Su Walter Monckton, who had 
again come to India on his regular visit He was exactly his 
old confident self We discussed both the letter of the 23rd 
which had left him a little baffled, and the delenoration m Indo 
Hyderabad lelations 

Tor the first time Sir Walter asked me whether I thought 
there was any way out of the impasse Could not the rela- 
tions between the Union and Hyderabad be placed on the foot- 
ing tliat had obtained before August 15 1947, without ex- 
pressly mentioning Accession’ I replied that this was a 
matter for the Government of India to decide 

What Was troublmg me most wras the rapid conveision of 
Hyderabad into a militaty camp Recruit"? were being enUst- 
ed In large numbers, in the armj , Uie Razakars and the police 
new barracks were being built and military stores were being 
qrstematically stolen from the Secunderabad cantonment 
Moreover, a bren gun factory Itad been put up 

Accession, bad. heen. vujyUniL ‘S/anrir 

still Agreement had been worse than a scrap of paper Its 
sole use had been to put India in the wrong for not having 
supplied arms and ammunition 

The Razakars, now about one hundred thousand strong 
were in control of the life of the State and continued to indulge 



as before m loot, murder aad arson Between ApriJ 1947 and 
March 1948 approximately 250 tillages m the State had been 
looted 01 burnt, 4,000 houses set on fire, 500 persons killed or 
wounded and 450 women molested Yet the Hyderabad radio 
claimed that this was ail untrue. 

The Isizams Government had mcreasea the strength, of 
the army and police and se\eral British cx officers of the 
Indian Army had been engaged to bring the army up to light 
ing efficiency Small arms and ammunition had begun to be 
manufacture in Hyderabad itself and an ex British officer 
ivas employed in Calcutta to buy and smuggle illicit^rms and 
ammunition Contacts had been established with several 
foreign countries and well paid piopaganda agencies had been 
set going against India in Pakistan U K and USA 

Lawlessness w as on the increase The Communists wore 
terrorising villages m Telangana and murdering burning loot 
mg and establishing Soviets in some of them The Razakar» 
With iioUcc assistance continued to inflict reprisals on the 
slightest provocation If the Communists were to continue to 
be permitted to operate m Telangana as they were doing it 
would soon be their stronghold and if the defenceless \ iliages 
were suppressed by the Bazakars thej would be completely 

In the meantime panic \va» driving the villagers from 
the State into the Union Provinces and the border areas of the 
Union continued to be raided by the Razakars The police of 
these Provinces had to guard the frontiers to prevent the raid-, 
from Hyderabad on the one hand and the smugglmg of arms 
on the other With negotiations at New Delhi carried on 
month after month withwil making any progress 1 had to 
stand by helpless while the situation deteriorated 

Jly task became increasingly difficult. As Uie Razakars 
preceded me wheroer I went I never went out of Dakshttui 
Sadan grouniL» unless to visit I^aik Ah But many people 
continued to see me every day atid I kept as good watch over 
the activities of the Nizani I^ik Ali and Razvi, as with my 
hmited opportunities I poasibly could 

The Congre&. mfluence was wanmg Quite a few thou 
sand workers were in jail Bmdu Melkole and 5f Ramchan 
dra Rao kept up some small spasmodic activities, but the 


effective' control in the border areas, had already .passed, into 
the hands of the Communists. . ; , 

The people were demoralised. . Frightened, .impatient, 
trembling for their very lives, they continued to hope that the 
Government of India, and particularly Sardar, would come to 
their rescue. Alas, I could do very little to strengthen their 

Stories were now current that houses were being requi- 
sitioned for military officers of the Union in Sholapur, the 
border town in Bombay. El Edroos, the Commander-in-Chief 
of the Nizam's Forces, thereupon, called. his officers and told 
them to get ready for a conflict The air was thick with rum- 
curs of military action. 

At last the Government of India meant business, was 
what the people thought. i 



I WAS the wicked man who must somehow be I'emoved 
from Hyderabad 

A very ingemous trap was therefore laid for me On 
March 8 my office receiv^ a redirected letter, originally ad- 
dressed to me ‘under the care of Shri V P Menon, Secretary, 
Ministry of States New Delhi It purported to be from 
M Kamachandra Rao, a member of the Council of Action of 
the State Congress. The letter claimed that the State Con 
gress, at my suggestion, had canned out sabotage operations on 
a railway tram on February 26 

The fact was that the operation was carried out by the 
Communists and the State Congress had nothing to do with 
it I had met M Ramachandra Rao only once before, early in 
January My office immediately inquir^ of him whether he 
had written the letter M Ramachandra Rao replied that he 
had not written it It was a clunky forgery intended to be read 
by V P Menon, who, it was thought, would promptly have the 
Agent-General removed from Hyderabad 

On April 7, Sardar called me to Delhi and placed m 
my hands the minutes of roy talk iwth Laik All on March 
26 as drawn up by him The Nizam bad sent them to Lord 
itfountbalten who had passed them on to Sardar 

The document was a very clever performance It did not 
report the conversation as it had taken place, but as a mono- 
logue put mto my mouth Most of it was a more or less loose 
summary of what I had said, but with a complete change of 
emphasis Here and there wild sentiments had been put mto 
my mouth 'Ours was a Hindu India', I was alleged to have 
said ‘Hyderabad was essentially Hindu territory and part of 
-i Hindu State ’ 

Luckily, the minutes which had been submitted by me to 
Sardar were before hun Even the tenor of the minutes of 
the conversauon as drafted by Laik Ah clearly showed that 


we were discussing the Ilazakars and not the nature of the 
Hyderabad State, or of the Union of India. Even according 
to them, during the convei^i^n.jl had referred to the 
need of preserving the ^tion of the Nizam as the Head of 
the State and of safeguarding! the spedal jipdtlfih 9k ih® *tus- 
limg in respect of their culture. I had also expressed a hope 
that Laik Ali would continue to be the PrimeiMinister and see 
that Indo-Hyderabad problems were happily settled.’- 'iThe 
communal bias that had. been put in'‘ my-mouth-'-was 
entirely unconnected with the context and*! should have been 
a lunatic indeed to have 'gone on repeating sentiments which 
even a Hindu ilahasabhaite would not have been v foolish 

enough to express. ' ‘ . j. v... .’ •, 

The game was easy enough to see through. • I was to be 
got rid of som^ow, and it some highly placed. persons in New^ 
Delhi could be led to believe that i was' idiotic enough to ex* 
press such ultra-communaUstic sentiments,' I would* be asked 
to resign. lo any case, such opinions coming from me could 
always be used by the Razvi group to discredit the- Goveriv 
ment of India, 

One of the most exciting episodes of the year -revolved 
round Razvl’s mysterious speech of March 31. • ^ ‘ 
The Hyderabad ‘Weapons Week' had beea celebrated at 
Dar-us-salam, the official headquarters of the Ittehad.- ’ On the 
last day, the 3Ut, all the Razakars of the suburban districts, 
with a few members of the District Police displaying their 
wcaiKins, staged a march past, Razvi taking the salute. Bntter 
of the London Times was also present. ' 

After the rally ^vas over, Razvi went into the -hall and 
delivered one of his most violent speeches before a feWdozen 
of his leading workers from the districts. It was m accord- 
ance with his practice to collect these workers 'and -provide 
them with vertal ammunition. The translation ’of a 'few of 
the more purple passages ran as follows:— ^ • t.. : _■ ■ 

Hyderabad Is an Islamic State. The Indian Union is trjing 
to wi|>e out this Muslim rule (rom the Dcccan. '< Remember that 
there are four-and*a*half crotvs of Muslims in the. Dominion, 
looking to us to raise the banner of this Islamic State.,.. . : 

Ituhad expecU every Muslim to do his duty. , I am 'glad 
that Muslim women are also coming forward to help the Baza- 
' kaxs. 1 appeal lo my Muslim sisters to support wholeheartedly 
- this movement,’ and. If possible, to tralh themselves in the art 



of self-defence The time is not far off when we have to throw 
our entire weight to maintain the integrity of this Islamic State. 
"We have been ruling the Deccan foi the last 800 years and ive 
shall rule it whether the Indian liuion Ukes it or not 

Power has come to the hands of the Indian Union after 
one thousand iears They aie not tapablc of rubng That is 
the reason why they lost it to the Mus lims Now when that 
power has come to them they think thej can browbeat us and 
terrorise us by bullymg and btusteruig 

When once the Indian Union makes any aggre:7Sion on us 
remember the crores of MusUnii will raise the banner of 
revolt We will give back in the same com and speak to them 
In the same language that they will understand 

I know every one of you is Imbued mlh the spirit of Jehad, 
Remember Karbala A Muslim is a warrior Ht is a first-class 
fighting man Indeed Indian History is lull of glorious epi 
sodea of the heroism of the Muslims If India is free today 
remcmbei it was due to the sword and arms of the Musiims A 
ilusUm la a bom, fighter and. a protector of the weak. HU one 
central ambition i$ to fight for a right and just cause He will 
be guided by the great tenets 0 / Qeran Vow my Muslim bro 
thers onward march Never put back youi sword Into the 
sheath tlU your object is achieve Stop not till >ou reach, your 
goal (cnes of Delhi Chalo) Hound out the enemy Do not 
Spare him Mind not your troubles. Re bclie\e in God. We 
have no other friends except Allah who haa created this IsjamJc 
State and who shall never let Ua down Qoran h> in one hand 
and the sword is In the other let us march forward cut our 
enemies to pieces establish our Islamic supremacy 

1 know the helplessness of our Muslim brothers in the Indian 
Union Let us by our example of unsurpassed heroism courage 
md \isloii, extend the much needed succour to them. They \vill 
be our Fifth Columnists In the Union Now the Union is 
thinking of a Fifth Column among us We shall turn the tables 
and they will understand the character of the Mussalman. 
A Hindu who Is a Kafir a worshipper of stone and monkey 
(laughter) who drinks cows uraie and eats cowdung in the 
name of religion (renewed laugliter) and who is a baibarian 
In every sense of the word wants to rule Ua What an ambition 
and wh»t a d^-dream * 

My heart 1 ? bleeding The Hindua want to icj^cat the *amo 
holocaust that they had staged at Delhi. Their inelhods of cocr 
emg Hyderabad to be a mere vassal U the tjplcal example of 
the Eanla rule The only answer to them Is the naked sword 
I may bo here to day and perhaps not tomorrow But I can 
assure you; my brethren if you want to «)€« ICa'^lm Uaz^i in tlie 
midst of our Ufa and death struggle. look, for him not- In iho 
palatial buildings pf Banjara or In plca-ant tea parties, but m 
the midst of the battle-fields (cries of Allah Ho Ahbar and Sid- 



dUfiuc-Deccan Zindabad). You will see me slaying of being 
slain with sword in my hand and the Qoran in my body.... 

I repeat to you the cmplet of the Immortal poet- Iqbal. 
■What’s it in life, life Is only the means to the end, the eUrnal 
end; to lay it dorni in the cause of Islam,’. Now I bid you god- 
speed; protect your Islamic State; protect your blood brothers 
in the Indian Union and your Islamic rule. 

Shastri, who had been present, read it out to me from his 
shorthand notes the next day. It was so shocking that I got 
him to give me a transcript which I posted to Sardar. 

On April 7, Sir Walter Monckton went to New Delhi 
on his monthly visit to conduct the negotiations which led 
nowhere. It was the first meeting after the ultimatum 'of March 
23, and therefore important frwn his point of view. The 
same morning, the Hindustan Times came out with a verbatim 
icport of Razvi's speech of the 31st. Naturally, both Lord 
Mountbatten and Panditji were angry at this outburst. There 
were questions about it in Parliament and scenes in Govern- 
ment House. Sir Waiter felt small. 

On April 0. the Deputy Agent-General of Hyderabad in 
New Delhi sent a frantic message to Laik All on the telephone. 
The speech had put a stop to all negotiations and unless Razvl 
was asked to hold his tongue, no progress would be made in 
maintaining contact with Lord Mountbatten. 

On the 9th, Venkalrao, the Harijan Minister, under whom 
Shastri was working, look him to Shah Manzil, the official resi- 
dence of Laik Ali. Shastri and two or three other Urdu re- 
porters, who had been present at the meeting, were asked to 
destroy their shorthand notes, if any. tVhen Shastri was ask- 
ed how it was that the report had come out, he managed to 
bluff them. He did not know how anyone could have suspected 
him. When pressed, he said, he would not contradict the re- 
ix>rt, because his own paper had carried a description of the 
rally and the salute. 

The same day Laik All phoned to his Deputy Agent-Gene- 
ral at New Delhi that the whole story was a concoction. 

Sir Waffer ifoncfcton returned to Hyderabad in a temper. 
The Nizam was angry with Razvi, who at the dictation of Laik 
All, issued a flat denial, on April 10. There had been no mass 
rally: no salute; no meeting; no speech. The reported speech 
was a concocted one, presumably by me!- 



On April 11, I was ui New Delhi with the documentary 
evidence Razvi's own paper of March 29 had earned an 
announcement of the forthcoming meeting on the 31st The 
issue of the The Gasette of April 1, had earned a re- 

port of the rally, the parade, the salute and the presence of 

Mr Bnlter of the London Times which ran as follows 

31st March. 

A march past and other military exercises were held by the 
powerful defensive forces of Raxakars of the tlajlls to-day 
Along with Razvi was Mr Brilter, editor of the London Times 
The children Bazakars display extracted praise from the people 
The Interest and seriousness shown by Uie children Itazakars 
showed how the determination to defend the \safia Crown and 
the Sovereignty of Hyderabad has pervaded the well wishers 
of the State In tins splendid laliy wtre the Rarakars of ih© 
depressed Classes too who had joined the organisation to defend 
the nation Although Uto examinations were very near, the 
large gathering of students indicated thet the students were 
fully aware of the cslscncies of the tunes OUiers present were 
Mr Ba«neer Ahmed, President of ihe Vctlon Committee 
Mr Sliam Sundar, leader of the Depressed Classes and 
Mr Mohammad Hlssamuddin the Salar oAla 
I hsd also in my possession the stotement of Shastn and 
his shorthand notes The courage which this young journalist 
liad shown on this occasion filled me with admiration He had 
not only been able to divert suspicion from himself and retam 
the confidence of Razvi and Venkatrao but had not hesitated 
to give me his signed statement and shorthand notes The 
only stipulation he had made was that, if ever an occasion 
arose to publish his name I should warn him a day before 
to enable him to clear out of Hyderabad’ 

Bntter was approached by the Nizam s Government for a 
statement to the effect that no speech was delivered by Razvi 
His reply, as reported to me, was that the Weapons Week, the 
rally, the parade and the salute were all facts. But he himself 
had left early, he could not say what had happened thereafter 
Razvi also came to my rescue On April G he issued 
a direct appeal to Muslun women m the following terms — 

Sisters’ You have seen tbo fate of your innocent and help- 
less sisters In India. Fate Itself Is weeping ever ihrir plight. 
History would not forget this trageily till the Day of Judgment 
The men on earth and the angels In heaven curse and condemn 
what men in India have done lo a meet brutal manner 



On April S. he delivered another violent speech in. which 
he stated; < . ■ ; ' '- •' - • '• - 

Hyderabad wll shortly recover ’the Ceded districts and the 
day is not' far off when the waves of the Day of Bensal.will be 
washing the feet of our sovereign, who 'WiU not be called the 
Nizam of Hyderabad and Berar, but also of ^he Northern Sarhars. 
When this speech was reproduced in the Hmdustan Tiines, 
it left no doubt that , the mystery speech Muld have been 
delivered only by one man, anid that was Kasim Razvi.:^ 

I was on my trial. ’Luckily, Dr. Shridharaiii, a weJI-Ichown 
journalist associated with the Ainrita Bazar Pairika, came to 
Hyderabad specifically to look into this matter. , . 

He met Shaslri and reported the incident to Pandit ji as 
follows;— • ' 

Although a Hindu, he is in the good boolm of Kasim Razvi, 
und so he was present'at the march-past of the Razakars,.- espe- 
cially staged for Britter of tiie London Times. The parade was 
in the open maidan, but. following It there was a meeting of 
the 8Ub4rganlzers, not more than ISO. In a room. Razvl made his 
speech there. Not knowing Urdu, Britter stood outside' smok- 
ing and chatting with some police oCBciols. The reporter himself 
w*as grilled on the point by the Prime Minister (Lalk All)! Ho 
says that In his presence Razvi himself told the Prime Minister 
that he was prepared to shoulder the entire responsibility and 
that there was no need to deny the fact of the speech, Bu^ the 
Prime Mlihster prevailed on him to issue the dental 

You will appreclato how very difficult it is to deal with' any 
Government which encourages or permits such speeches and 
such actions which aro a negation of decent and civilized beha- 

On April 7, Razvi’s paper came out with the news that 
I, .had turned down the suggestion of the State Congress 
with regard to a settlement with the Nizam’s Government. The 
paper added: ‘Peace-loving Hindus do not like the increasing 
interference of 5Ir. JIunshi in the internal affairs of Hydera- 
bad.’ A leading Ittehad also gave out in an interview that I 
was the dc facto President of the State Congress and must be 
caUed \atii to This selUemcnt was alleged to' 'have 

be^ made by B. Ramakrishna Rao. Those who made, this 
allegation could have had no idea that he was in daily touch 
with' me. 

Among the papers which Raja Bahadur Aravamudu Ay- 



yangar gave me for use is the copy of a lettex written to a 
friend m high position m New Delhi on April 14, 1948 It 
thus describes the situation — • , 

Out there I dare say you would be knowing what the situa- 
tion in Hyderabad is like The situation is detenoraling day by 
day and there has been an exodus for the third time of the 
Hindu population of this place All this is due to the unsettled 
state of aSairs that now exists owing to the fact that the Fas- 
cist element In the State represented by the Ittehad ul MuslI- 
meen organisation is practically ruling the country But the 
latest move seems to be to somehow or other manoeuvre to get 
rid of Mr Munshl 

Ever since Mr Munshi came here as Agent-General, his pre- 
sence has been a source of great solace and has made the Hindus 
of this place feel a little bit braver than they used to be Local 
papers dare not give correct news They are censored and you 
will have noticed that the Decem Chronlelc has been for the 
last 60 many weeks, until just a day or two ago, been keeping 
the Editorial column blank widi a big question mark. 

The entry of papers, like the Free Press Journal of Bombay 
and the Indian Express of Madras, has been banned. 

In regard to papers that are not banned, the packets of 
papers are opened at (he Airways office and if the aulhorlUes 
entrusted with that duty find that there is something objection- 
able front their point of vlcn. they completely confiscate the 
whole of that day’s bundle of papers 

Statements are not aliened to be issued by public men and 
if, in spite of that, any body dares to publish a statement, he is 
interned Such being the case, the presence of a person of 
Mr. Munshi'a standing has been a source of great relief to those 
who want to ventilate their gnetances and have the satisfaction 
of having had the opportunity of letting an Indian Union’s Agent 
know ivhat is happening Whether actually any redress is ob- 
tained or not is a different question But people at least expect 
that if the atrocities (hat are committed are brought to the 
notice of the Indian Union, some day there will be- a chance 
of the position Improving 

The Ittehad-ul Muslimeen has now started a vendetta against 
Mr Munshl and the chorus in every Ittehad paper Is to the 
effect that Mr. Munshi must go 

It may be that If Mr Munshf goes some other Agent- 
, General comes here, but during the period that Mr. Munshi 
has been here, he has come to know a great deal of the hap- 
penings both In the City and in the districts, and the object 
of this people is that at ibis Juncture such a person should 
not be permitted to stay here I wanted that this aspect should 
be made known to Pandltjl and SardarlL 

ciiAnxn XXI 


O N April 5. laiS. Ulk All «.*nt hU reply lo V. P. Mcnon’s 
Idler of March 23, hut addrc&.-<.ii lo PandllJL He 
couQlcrchargwl the Government of India ^dth failuro 
to implement the Standstill Agreement and tried to explain 
away the diargca made against the Nliani’s Go\’cmmcnl. 

On Utc essentials he was unyielding. Tltcrv was going to 
be no accession and the Nizam’s Gcn'cmmenl was not hound 
by the Stales Forces Sclicme. The <;ucslIon of U;c Ilazakars 
would not arise till Indb came to a EalL«;faclory agreement. 
The Standstill Agreement was rejected. 

About this lime Sir Waller appears lo have made it clear 
to the Nizam and Laik All that they should form a new* Gov* 
ernment of nomlttchadi Muslims and Hindus to whom New 
Delhi could not take exception. 

1 liad no illusions about this advice. I found it Impassible 
to believe that so cU'ar*sightcd a man as Monckton could ima* 
ginc that such a tiling was pa<;siblc. If Uic Nizam appointed 
as Ills Ministers non>liich3di Muslims and Hindus acceptable 
to New Delhi. Uic occupation of llazvi and Laik All would go. 

The last visit of Sir Walter lo Nc^v Delhi had persuaded 
Kasim RazN'l and Laik All that the storm created by the letters 
of March 23, had blown over. They were also under the Im- 
pression that the Stales Ministry and the Agent-General of 
India had been by-|>asscd. 

On April 9, however. I submitted a memorandum lo 
the States Ministry on the economic vulnerability of Hj'dcra- 
bad, In whlcli I had w-orked out the steps necessary for bring- 
ing economic pressure. In the meantime, I continued lo track 
down smuggling. The strict watch maintained by the Provin- 
cial Governments in the border areas had already created 
difficulties in the way of the Nizam’s Government smuggling 
arms, ammunition and other materials likely to be ust^ul In 
an armed conflict into the State. The feelings of the people 
in these areas were also running so high that Uicy exerted 
their utnio«t to prevent smuggling. 



In the middle of April, Rartiyal, a Hyderabad enclave in 
the Province of Madras, declared independence The Nizam's 
Government was anxious to take its army through our terri- 
tory to recapture the place ITie permission was refused 

Sir Walter Monckton now evolved a new formula which 
would ease the situation by itself The Union was not to worry 
about either the Standstill Agreement or a permanent arrange- 
ment with Hyderabad It provided that — 

(i) The Nizam should bring Razvi under control by ban- 
nmg the processions and demonstrations of the 

(ii) the Government should be reconstructed by bnng- 
ing progressive elements mto it, 

(m) a Constituent Assembly should be brought into 

(iv) on the Assembly coming into existence, a Govern- 
ment responsible to it should be set up 
The formula was gladly accepted by Lord Mountbatten 
and Fanditii Sardar also accepted it He said with a solemn 
face that it Lord Mountbatten could secure these concessions 
from the Nizam, he would cease to insist on the accession of 
Hyderabad He had a rare sense of liumour 

Laik All played for a time with the idea of reconstitutmg 
his ministry The Nizam himself called Pannalal Pittie and 
assured him that he was willing to do something for the people 
though he would not deal with the State Congress Laik All 
also requested Pannalal to help m reconstituting a govern- 
ment on the basis of a 50 50 Muslim non Muslim ratio assur- 

ing him in his facile way that Sardar had agreed to it I had 
only to ring up Sardar in Pannalal’s presence to convmce him 
that this was untrue 

Razvi who saw through the Monckton formula was, os 
usual, very frank Addressing the Razakars he declared 

If one soldier of the Union passed into Hiderabad. my Itua- 
kars will cross the border into Madras and fight for Hyderabad 
for a himdred years 

■you know that the Indian Union is a Union of Brahmans 
and Baniyjs. Accession was the ay at first, having failed in 
that, the cry of responsiWe government was raised. A clever 
cry it was for, once responsible govemroent -was achieved, Hy- 
derabad could be made to accede and the 2Ia;lis wdth Its Raza 
kars could o^slly be Iw^uidated. You -done foiled their plans 


Tilt END or AH ERA 

At the end of tliis speech Razvl was given the title of 
‘Uujahid-e-Azam', the Great Fighter of the Holy War. 

It was, perhaps, on the same day that the great Mujahia- 
e-Azam hopefully announced that the day was not far oft when 
the waves of the Bay of Bengal would wash the feet of his 
beloved ruler. 

This announcement was published in the Daily News, 
dated April 13. 1918. 

He also turned his attention to me: 

\Ve are all aware Oiat Pandit Jawaharlal Kchru U not 
willing to take anj' acUon suo »«oXo against Ibderabad and that 
he ia anxious to resolve the deadlock by all peaceful means. 
So Is the Governor-General, Mountbatten, who docs not wish 
to make Hyderabad problem Into another long-drawn out con- 
troversy In the present world set up. In that ease where does 
Mr. Munshl stand ? lie will be nowhere. Ills Importance will 
be lost It is Indeed a pity that a politician of the calibre of 
Mr. Munshl should attempt to sacrifice Uic Interest of a great 
State like Hyderabad and Uic {icople for whoso welfare ho 
professes to have a soft heart in their hour of trial and tribu* 
laUon to his own lust of power! Could there be a greater 

A few days later, commenting on Pandltji’s speech, Razvl 


The will of the masses of India Is evident from the assassl- 
naUon of Mahatma Gandhi and the evil designs of the R.S.S. 
and the Hindu Mahasabha. which aim at the wholesale massacre 
and extermination of Muslims. PandltJI Is tree to act according 
to such a ‘will of the masses', but In Hyderabad this will of hia 
masses cannot be allowed to operate... The mosses, in accord- 
ance with whoso will Panditjl Is pressing for the Inli^ucUon 
of responsible Government In Hyderabad, are the masses who 
have shed the Muslim blood In India like water and on insUga- 
tlon from India are shedding the Muslim blood in Hyderabad 

Having advised the Nizam to accept his formula. 
Sir Walter Monckton left for England on April ID. He would 
only return — he was reported to have said — if a genuinely re- 
presentative government was set up. 

But the Nizam could neither dispense with nor control 
Razvi Even if the Nizam as well as Laik AH, Moin Nawaz 
and Been Yar Jung, had to bring' the Iltehad under 
control, the army and the policy being predominantly Ittehadls, 
there was no agency by which they could enforce the mandate. 



Agam, the formula was illusory, for no Hindu, except a 
pure Ittehadi stooge, would have been, prepared to take office 
in, the Nizam's Government as it was He would have had 
the sense to realise that he would not continue in office for a 
moment longer if he went against the Ittehad 

As soon as Sir Walter had left, the Nizam and Laifc All gave 
their reply They rejected all the four points of the Monckton 
formula and said, m efiect, that they knew their own business 
best and that Delhi was talking nonsense 

By his Ftrvian of April 22, the Nizam gave his formal 
reactions to the formula He reiterated his dynastic pledge to 
treat all classes m the State as equal, and rejected the proposal 
for responsible government as emanating from outside autho- 
rity and likely to introduce ‘poison’ into Hyderabad He hoped, 
however, to associate representatives of all important sections 
with his government 

Laik All, sweet and evasive as ever, was equally hrm in 
an address which he delivered to the Legislative Council of 
Hyderabad, he said that he would maintam an honourable 
position and that therefore there would be no accession Sim- 
ple mcidents had been exaggeiated by the Indian Press, there 
was no trouble in Hyderabad The trouble was that it was sub 
jected to an. economic blockade and unwarrantable propaganda 
Their cause, he said, was Just If force were used, they would 
resist it with all their might and leave everything m the bauds 
of Providence He did not pay the Monckton formula even the 
courtesy of a reference 

Meanwhile every effort was being made by the Nizam’s 
Government to speed up military preparations The armed 
forces were rapidly being put on a war footing The authorized 
strength of the Hyderabad Force> under the State Forces 
Scheme was 7,000 This had been unauthorizedly raised to 

13.000 m 1947 By the end of April, 1948, the strength of the 
Regulars was 22^393, while 7000 more men were under tram- 
ing and an additional force of 4 870 men was undergomg train- 
ing under different names such as the Customs Constabulary 
The target of the Nizam's Gtnernment was three divisions 

The strength of the Police Force had also been raised to 

33.000 men, of whom about 12,000 were armed reservists 
equipped with such modem weapons as were avadable. In 
addition, them were 13,000 Home and Civic Guards. Lastly, 



the armed Razahars numbered anything from 50,000 to 1,00,000. 

Eight factories in the State were busy manufacturing arms 
and large-scale petrol reserves had been built up. Power alcohol 
was being produced at the rate of 3,500 gallons per day. In 
addition to the barrack accommodation for 22,000 men, new 
barracks for an additional 25,000 men were under con- 

An Air Service Corps was under training and new air- 
ports were being constructed at Hyderabad and Bidar, An 
adventurer named Sydney Cotton Iwd been hired to smuggle 
arms by air and by June, aerial gun-running to Hyderabad from 
Pakistan had become a regular feature. 

In spite of the vigilance maintained by the Union Police 
on the borders, a vast net-work of agents all over India was 
trying to smuggle arms, ammunitions, vehicles, equipment, 
petrol, high-grade steel, broadcasting materials, chemicals re- 
quired for explosives and motor-spare-pans into Hyderabad. 
Any one who could come forward with some scheme for the 
strengthening of Hyderabad was sure of financial support. 

It was reported that an arrangement had been made with 
the Nawab of Makalla for the import of Arabs into Hyderabad; 
another such arrangement, I understood, had also been made 
with some of the Middle East countries for buying arms and 
ammunition and to store them at Makalla. 



O N April 24, I met Panditji m Bombay, where he had 
come to attend a meeting of the All India Congress Com- 
mittee I had met him several times since January in 
New Delhi and on all these occasions he had been correct and 
even cordial, but distant He bad not even encouraged me to 
talk about Hyderabad but had left its problems to Ixird Mount- 
batten and Sardar participaung only in important consulta- 

On this occasion, however, I explained the position to him 
fully, and he assured me that the time for action would soon 

Raraachari, Ramakrishna Rao Pannalal PiUie, Ranga 
Reddy and Dhoot were also mtroduced to him by me and they 
had a long private talk with him m the course of which they 
appnsed him of what was happening 

At a secret session of the A I C C which as a diplomatic 
agent I was asked not to attend there was strong criticism of 
the dilatoriness of Government’s policy towards Hyderabad 
Panditji was very forthright in his reply His stand had 
a heartening effect on the whole country He had spoken in 
Hindi and his speech had either been misunderstood or zms- 
reported m the newspapers as saying that there were only two 
courses open to Hyderabad war or accession This produced 
a thnil throughout the country 

Accordmg to Campbell Johnson Lord Mountbatten was 
‘horrified’ at the report of the speech and drew Panditji’s at- 
tention to Its implications A corrected version of what 
Panditji had said was issued Tf In spite of the indications 
ths: they hsd\ he hsd ‘the Nisssi’s ciwljjjuad 

to connive at the exploits of Razakars, their connivance was 
liable to be regarded by the Indian Government as a hostile act ’ 
On Apnl 26. at a reception given to him by the Bombay 
Union of Journalists Panditji once again defined the stand of 

1 Mission wlta Mountbottsn, p 320 


the end of an era 

the Government of India: ‘If the safety of the people in 
Hyderabad was endangered by the activities of Razakars, the 
Government would intervene in Hyderabad State. The time 
had arrived when this hostility must cease. If the Hyderabad 
Government could not stop it, other measures would be 

Some of the Hyderabad leaders also met in Bombay and 
after anxious consideration, the majority of them decided that, 
if invited, they would join the new government only on the 
conditions that there was a Hindu majority in the legislature, 
a constituent assembly was convened on a population basis and 
a ban placed on the Razakars. 

My view, which I frankly told them, was that none of the 
conditions on which they were banking would ever be agreed 
to by the Nizam or the Ittehad. I asked them, ho\yever, to 
see Sardar at Dehra Dun. When they saw him, he told the 
leaders not to worry about Hyderabad affairs; he would, he said, 
look after them. The superb self-confidence of Sardar was in? 
factious; they came back scarcely enlightened, but greatly 

By the end of April, arrangements had been completed by 
the Nizam’s Government to establish first-class machinery to 
carry on international propaganda against India. So set up, 
the machinery continued to function till September. Claude 
Scott, formerly of the Times of India, was in charge of the Infor- 
mation Department in Hyderabad and a very competent publi- 
city agent was employed in the United Kingdom. The support 
of several international publicity agencies was also secured. 

From the end of April the most formidable in- 
strument of the Nizam’s Government was the group of foreign 
correspondents who enjoyed the lavish hospitality of the State 
at the Greenlands Guest House. They were royally feasted, 
looked after by charming hostesses, and taken on conducted 
tours. They were the voice of the Nizam's Information, 

Some of the foreign correspondents were good enough to 
call on me. They heard the Indian case with courtesy and exa- 
mined the documents I placed before them, but the weak tea 
that I offered them could not be expected to make the same im- 
pression on them as the flowing <^ampagne served in Green- 



lands Most of them adopted the Ittehad view that India was 
trying to deprive Hyderabad of its sovereignty most wickedly 
The only exception was Kingsley Slartiu of the New States- 
man and Natxon He visited Hyderabad saw thmgs for himself 
and wrote a thundering article against Hyderabad It ran 

The Nizam badly advised and egged on by the irresponsible 
backing of such wild supporters as Mr Churchill (utterly 
ignorant of the nature of the British rule in the past now dis 
plays an even more splendid unawareness of the condluona of 
the present) deaded on a bid for an independence he never had 
before He began by trying to become a Dominion on his own 
account and was baulked He tried by buymg a seaport to 
gam him an outlet to the oea, and could not He \\ as offered by 
Sardar Patel an arrangement similar to the one he had with 
the British and he hesitated hoping yet to become a sovereign 

The antipathy of the foreign correspondents towards India 
was not unexpected A certain shrewd foreigner, once question- 
ed on the subject gave me an mteri^ting explanation of this 
‘Our sympathies are generally against the Hindu We 
can understand the Muslim He eats with us he looks up to 
us with respect We do not understand the Hindu, however 
much he may tiy to accommodate himsejf to us We always 
suspect that in his heart of hearts he is passing a critical judg- 
ment on us We think his ways inferior, he thmks ours to bu 
inferior And we are not veiy sure whether m those spheres 
of hfe where we consider ourselves adepts he does not gene- 
rally beat us ’ 

By the end of April the Razakar menace was broadening 
out into a serious national danger 

In the month of April, while the Government of India 
appeared to be m earnest m enforcmg iheir demands, the Itte- 
bad group had begun to look for allies in the pro'^pective con- 
flict with India aiukhdum Moi ud Dm the Communist leader, 
who was then underground was amongst those whom they 

On May 4 1948 the Nizam’s Go\ernment lifted the ban 
on the Communist organlzauon in Hyderabad and the arrest 
warrants against Narayana Reddy and other leading Commu- 
nists were cancelled 



This news took even the Razafcar journals by surprise. 
The Ittehad organ. The Daily Meezan suddenly changed, its 
tone towards the Communists. The brutal treatment of 
villagers, which had so far been attributed to the Communists, 
was now fathered on the State Congress workers. It was 
discovered that the Communists .were for the defence of 
Hyderabad against the Union and were therefore nearer to the 
Razakars than the Congressites. 

Another daily newspaper with pro-Ittehad leanings ex- 
pressed surprise at the withdrawal of the ban on the Commu- 
nists. However in the end it observed that ‘It is however 
possible that there may be some special reasons behind this 
measure.’ Referring to the Communists, one of the Ittehad 
leaders was reported to have stated, 'At least they (the Com- 
munists) have an Ideology of their own whereas the Congres- 
sites have no ideology.’ 

Simultaneously the Communist Party of Hyderabad issued 
a pamphlet reversing their earlier policy. The accession of 
Hyderabad to the Union, and responsible Government in the 
State were denounced on the ground that the Government of 
India was a capitalist government To maintain a show of 
consistency, it was suggested that before real freedom was 
achieved, feudalism had also to be liquidated. The reports indh 
cated that not only was there some understanding between the 
Nizam's Government and the Communists, but explosives were 
in process of being supplied to the Razakars by the Commu- 
nists from West Bengal. 

The new attitude of the Communists was characteristic. 
Whatever was their view for the moment, was the voice of the 
people; what suited them, was always in the people’s interests. 
According to their new propaganda line the accession of the 
Indian States to the Union was a gross anti-democratic act, 
calculated to crush the revolutionary consciousness and the 
democratic movements of the people. If the Indian Armies 
marched into Hyderabad, it would be to crush the people’s 
movement. They, therefore, rahorted their workers to resist 
the movement of the troops wherever the people’s Government 
— ^that is, their little Soviets holding the villages by terror, 
murder and arson — was established. 

The Communist Party now allied itself with the Nizam’s 
Government on an anti-Indian front The Communists’ who 



had gone underground m India crossed over to Hyderabad 
Absconders from the Indian territory took refuge in the State 
and some of the Communist leaders moved about freely m 
Hyderabad, established contact with some of the Ministers and 
high officers of the State, and tried to arrive at a pact with the 
Nizam They also hoped that a representative of theirs might 
be taken in the Hyderabad Cabinet for that would be the thin 
end of infiltration into the Nizam's Government. 

This alliance with the Nizam's Government enabled the 
Communists to strengthen their hold over the areas already 
dommated by them as well as to spread their activity to other 
districts After April, m the villages so dominated, the lauds, 
cattle and gram of the well to-do villagers were distributed 
among the pro-Commumst peasants, and tlie loot gathered from 
raided villages continued to fill their war chests The reports 
showed that m the month of July alone, there were as many 
as forty such raids 

The Communists now claimed that they had liberated over 
3,000 villages This was an exaggeration, but the number 
could not have been less than 2,000 

The expectation of the Osmmunists was that if the 
Nizam's Government contmued to reject all efforts to arrive 
at a friendly association with the Union, the economy as well 
as the law and order structure of Hyderabad would eventually 
collapse In that event, the Communist Party of India would 
inherit Hyderabad 

It was a wonder to me all this time how those who were 
trymg to secure the Nizam’s signature on a piece of paper at 
New Delhi expected to arrest this menace 

Who was to enforce the pledge that the Nizam would under- 
take by a fresh Agreement’ When every pledge under the 
Standstill Agreement had been broken so flagrantly, what sanc- 
tion would hold the Nizam to a plebiscite, or to giving a fair 
deal to the Hmdus’ How was he to remain friendly with India 
and not integrate Hyderabad economically with Pakistan’ 

And if the pledges continued to be flouted, what was to 
prevent an upheaval which would endanger the whole of the 
South’ "What was there to prevent the emergence of a power- 
ful and hostile State ruled by the fanatic Ittehad or the more 
determined Communists in the veiy heart of India’ 



In the meantime, the Communists continued their attempts 
to build up a Sovietlsed Andhra by means of terror. 

The Government of India, however, was then carrying on 
military operations in Kashmir which, it was possible, might 
spread and develop into a regular war with Pakistan. This 
aspect weighed with New Delhi, not only because of its domes- 
tic repercussions, but also its wider consequences. 



L ord Mounltatten had set his heart on settling the Indo- 
Hyderabad problem before his term expired He want- 
ed to end his fateful career m India in a blaze of glory 
by presentmg an association with Hyderabad, whatever form 
it took 

On May 1, he wrote to the Nizam that he would be leav- 
ing India m six-and half weeks tune Would the Nizam be 
pleased to come to New Delhi to meet him’ 

On my first visit to Lord Mountbatten m December, he had 
told me his idea of how the problem could be solved Once the 
Nizam was mduced to come to Delhi, there would be no 
difficulty in securing his signature on the Instrument of Acces- 
sion Then everything would be all right The hope of realis- 
ing this idea had seized Lord Mountbatten’s mind The Nizam, 
if once he conies to New Delhi would be persuaded to accede 
The Nizam returned the complunent Would His Excel 
lency be pleased to conic to Hyderabad’ So far as he himself 
was concerned he would not come to New Delhi If he came, 
he would be misunderstood 

In the meantime. Sir Walter Monckton was working hard 
for the Nizam m England and had started discussions with the 
Labour Government- 

When Lord Mountbatten had been to Bangalore, Sir Mirza 
Ismail, whom the Nizam kept on the line through Hosh, ap- 
pears to have suggested a meeting between the Governor- 
General and the Nizam which suggestion he conveyed to tho 
Nizam by his letter dated May 1, 1948 Sir Jlirza had also 
written to Lord Mountbatten 

Your Excellency could have explained the position in a 
more forceful and convincing manner, and heard his views, and 
in this way you would have as I have said prepared the ground 
for a settlement, leaving the details to be settled by others I do 
not think I need say mcxre * 

Sir Mirza directly, 2 S ttell as through Hosh, was In touch 
with me. It surprised me that so shrewd a politician should 
hare had such an un real picture of Ala Hazrat in his mmd 

1 Sir JWy PaWiO l*/v, p 112. 



In the meantime, the Communists continued their attempts 
to build up a Sovietised Andhra by means of terror. 

The Government of India, however, was then carrying on 
military operations in Kashmir which, it was possible, might 
spread and develop into a regular war with Pakistan. This 
aspect weighed with New Delhi, not only because of its domes- 
tic repercussions, but also its wider consequences. 



_ OED Mountb^tten had “t- 

T Hyderabad problem before hm te 

i^prfselUfarais — U Hyderabad, whatever form 

d the Nizam that he would he leav- 

-arS/weehs ume Would the Ntram he 
'phased to eome to New Deto to m^t h™ 

Ou my first visit to hoM Moun^ten 
told me his idea of how ^ l,e „o 

Nizam was “ ^,ure on the Instrument ot Acces- 

difflculty in securing „ -h, The hope of reahs- 

aion Then everything J'„X,Ws mind The Nmam, 

mg this Idea had seiz^ If Mountu 

l^L'^eonceS he";S not i^me to New Delhi If he came, 
he would he Monckton was workmg hard 

tor tS "nrglf-dld had started discussions with the 

Labour fatten had been to Bangalore, Su- Mirza 

When I^^d Mo j me line through Hosh, ap- 

Ismail, whom *0 ^ mectuig between the GovemOT- 

pears to have jj,oh suggesUon he conveyed totho 

N'^'iSrbTh^ tett^daled May 1, 1948 Sir Mirza had also 

written to Lord Mounthat^ explained the posiUon la a 

Your Escelleney ‘?“,V;- mai,ner. and heard his views, and 

more forceful and I have said, prepared foe sround 

m this way you w°““ “me detaUs to be settled hy others. I do 

S uSik'l'u’ced ^ ^ trough Hosh, was in tout* 

Sir Mirza, directly, ^ shrewd a politician should 

with me. It aurprisjid i,.s 


— T^lrMina Isina»‘ 



In May, I spent a few days with Sardar at Mussoorie, 
where he was convalescing. 

It had been suggested to him that I should be replaced by 
a military officer. Some circles in New Delhi were of the view 
that if I were to be removed from my office, it would be easy 
to settle the Indo-Hyderabad problem. They were unhappy 
that Sardar continued to have faith in me and was not pre- 
pared to agree to this su gg estion. He told me the whole story 
with a cynical smile together with his own reaction to the 

For some time I had been in touch with the Ministry of 
Defence, as also with General Goddard of the Southern Com- 
mand and Major-General Chaudhuri, then Chief of the General 
Staff, so that I had some idea of the preparations that were be- 
ing made. 

Since summer had set in and Bolarum was getting warm, 

I went to Bangalore for a change. But it was scarcely a change 
in occupation. 

If trouble came, I had to arrange for the shifting of my 
office to Bangalore. I had also been pressing both Sardar and 
Sardar Baldev Singh, the Defence Minister, to raise four batta- 
lions of armed police reserves in Mysore. 

If the political issues were settled between the Union and 
Hyderabad, the disbanded Razakars and the thousands of 
Muslims who had been attracted from different parts of India 
by propaganda or inducement, would not easily become recon- 
ciled to the change. In that event, no Government in Hydera- 
bad would have the slimiest change of implementing the new 
policy unless it had at its disposal 10,000 loyal troops or reserve 
police to maintain order. 

On the other hand, if there was no settlement ana the 
Razakars continued to operate, the increasingly disturbed con- 
ditions on the Hyderabad brader would require a trained force 
to prevent disorder spreading to the South. 

In my view of things, therefore, a strong security force 
was necessary to supplement the police. With energetic co- 
operation of Sri Mariappa, then the Home Minister of Mysore, . 
ray work of raising the battalions became easy. 



In Bangalore I had another very interesting expenence. 
Chaperoned by an elderly Begum, some charming young ladies 
from Hyderabad were cultivating the society of our military 
officers They kept open houSe and entertamed lavishly There 
were dances, dinners, dances again and late suppers 

Bangalore is the summer resort of the South The year 
before thi^ the Hyderabad, notabilities and Indian miUtary 
officers on leave had congregated here to spend their holiday 
The change from 1947 to 1948 was so abrupt that most of the 
military officers who came to these parties thrown by the visi- 
tors from Hyderabad, were unable to realize the difference, 
and talked The mt^gence reports showed that the conver- 
sation often drifted to army movements on the borders of 

About the same tune, an orderly of a paiga jagirdai — a 
staunch Razakar— was reported to be watchmg my move- 
ments and givmg expression to murderous intentions Man 
appa was swift and thorough The orderly and his friends 
were locked up and the begums left for Hyderabad, their 
merry makmg ended 

Reports came to me that a young and accomplished lady 
of Hyderabad was living in a flat at Colaba in Bombay, where 
she was cultivating the friendship of our army officers. She, 
It appeared, was deeply interested m what was happening m 
military circles m Bombay, Poona and Sholapur Sn Morarji 
then the Home Minister of Bombay, came to her rescue and 
she was ordered to leave the city She protested, and she 
cried but m vain Her mother suddenly recalled from Eng- 
land, angrily mvaded Dakshina Sadan 1 told her that from 
ray experience as the father of grownup daughters it vas 
dangerous for a young lady, untethered to a husband, to live 
away from her parents. It was wicked, I said, and I appeal- 
ed to the maternal instincts of the elderly lady She was, how- 
ever, inconsolable I understood that later the young lady 
played hostess to the fore:^ correspondents at the Greenland 
Guest House 

About this time there was a sudden brain wave m Gov- 
ernment House, New Delhi The Nizam was surrounded by 
enemies and was really frightened Campbell Jolinson, tho 



Press Attache to Lord Mountbatten, should quietly Hydera- 
bad as the ‘King’s messengec’^on 'a ndssiotx ot.unlpQwn.duneji- 
sions and opportunity* • Jle. wo^d ' assess the- Niz^tn’a posi-i 
lion.. Uis ‘magic. touch’ would perhaps bring. abouVa. palape 
rcTOlution; an accesslon.would follow, ThqGovernnjcnt of.Indiq 
would always be there to protect the.Nizam against.his enemies. 
The ‘King's messenger’ was to go under, die -auspices of. tfee 
Hyderabad Goverrimcnt and in consultation with- the ,Hydera-» 
bad Agent-General in Kew Delhi.’ , , > r . 

India’s Agent-General simply did not exist for these hope-,- 
fuls. But I received a message from Saxdar that Campbell-John- 
.son was coming to Hyderabad and that I should’go-therc Im- 
mediately and ‘look after* him. . I; did not, hno\v. the. purpose 
for which he was coming and I scarcely relished .thi^ intru-. 
sion. \Vhat was Carapbell-Johnson.up to now,- T wondered? 

I immediately flew to Hyderabad. 'Such a distinguished 
emissary deserved tlic highest consideration at my hands; ' My 
Secretary, therefore, received him at the airport and extended 
an invitation to him to dine with me at Dakshinc Sedan. ' 

CampbcU-Johnson was surprised at my presence in Hydera- 
bad. He was the guest of Lalk AH.'who’was in his confidence 
about the visit. He could accept, my invitation — of India’s 
reprcscntatlvo— only after securing the consent of his host!' 

■ The situation was Gllborllan. An emissary 'of the Head 
ofthe Government, of 'ft-hfeh I was the Agfent, had-come to 
Hyderalwd and was the guest of the Prime Minister of Hydera- 
bad, who had rejected cveo' friendly approach.' He was accept- 
ing lavish hospitality from l-uk Ali while-I. was, being kept in 
ignorance of the visit, or the purpose for which he had come. He 
contacted people bcliind my back and 1 was not expected to 
know what he was «lofng. At the same time I was facing all the 
criticism, social ostracism and hostility which' the ingenuity 
ofthe Nizam or the Utchad could dcvi», ‘Evidently I was a 
hostile both to the Nizam and Lord Mountbatten. 

CampbclI-Johnson saw the Kizam, but was, denied the 
opportunity of applying the ‘magic touch* which he had come 
all the way from Delhi to apply. Lalk Ali was present during 
all iheintcrvicws and the- Nizam remained firm. He would not 

Kuim Razrt 



come to Delhi, he said, and as the Governor-General had no time 
to go to Hyderabad, what else could the Exalted do but bid 
him good bye’ And, anyway, what could he (Lord Mount- 
batten) hope to do in a month’ 

On the political aspect of the visit, the Nizam displayed 
a pecuhar sense of humour He was helpless, he said, he was 
only a constitutional head of Hyderabad, he could do nothing 
without consultmg his Cabmet, he could have nothing to say 
on a private basis At the same tune, he wound up the discus- 
sion by saymg that constitutional monarchy had no meaning 
in the East, and tiying to interest Campbell Johnson in the 
Muslim philosophy of life 

Campbell-Johnson met me at dinner that night He told 
me that his was a personal visit of courtesy on behalf of Lord 
Mountbatten He had seen the Nizam, he said, found him re- 
signed to his fate and not inclmed to be helpful I told him 
that in my view Hyderabad did not mean business, and Uiat 
the Nizam was still the master of the situation and could save 
it i£ he wanted I did not find Campbell-Johnson m any ivay 
interested m the sufferings of the people imposed by the pre- 
sent regime, or the Communist menace 

The next day, Johnson had friendly talks with LaiK All, 
Razvi and El Edroos Incidentally, he collected critical com- 
ments about me He also gave a press interview and met a 
few leaders at Laik Ah's reception, where Genenwal and tlie 
Razakar leaders openly fell out Then he flew to Warangal 
with General El Edroos On the I8th he returned tQ New 

Campbell Johnson’s visit strengthened the feeluigs in the 
ruling circles in Hyderabad that the Union was too weak to 
take any action The plane on which the negotiations were 
being conducted through *a King's Emissary’ had fed tlic 
Nizam’s vanity and Razvi s arrogance 

On March 26 the Government of India had made certain 
definite demands on the Nizam but as soon as the negotiations 
for settlement were resumed, the demands were forgotten and 
a disclaimer thrown out that no action was contemplated 
In the middle of April New Delhi had blessed the Monck- 
ton formula It was ndiculcd and rejected by the Nizam and 
Laik Ml 



On April 24 Panditji called upon Laik All to fulfil four 
concrete demands. These were unceremoniously turned down. 
New Delhi immediately showed its anxiety to re-open 

On May 15 the States Ministry called upon the Nizam’s 
Government to take immediate steps to put an end to the acti- 
vities of the Ilazakars. On the same day, Campbell-Johnson, 
while enjoying Laik All's hospitality, was feverishly urging 
that the negotiations should be resumed. 

What else could the Ittehad, with its background, think 
of New Delhi except that it had no strength? 

In the meantime, the movement sponsored by the State 
Congress was petering out for want of men and money. The 
patience of the people was exhausted. They were saying 
openly that the Union had let them down. Most of the leaders 
who had expected help from Government were in agony and 
their faith in us had almost gone. 

During all this time, Razvi was continuing to organise 
the lUzakars and delivering venomous speeches against the 
Union. 15.000 refugees were under training. 

On May ll, in the uniform of a general (or was it a mar- 
shal’s?), Razvi took the salute from over 30,000 Razakars. 
‘Hyderabad’, he said, 'should be the garden of crusaders’. 
‘The Nizam’, he added, ‘was not one of those Maharajas who 
would become Uajpramukhs!* He referred to the compromise 
proposals with contempt. ‘Why are you asking me for a 
Round Table Conference?’ he asked at a public meeting. ‘Why 
not go to Bombay, Madras, Bezwada (now Vijayawada) and 
Sholapur and worship before the goddesses of the Indian 
Union?’ The word he used for ‘goddesses’ was devio, a word 
used by Hindus to denote respectable women. 

Venkatarao. his Harljan lieutenant, indulged in similar 
heroics. He assured the audience that the Muslims and the 
Depressed Classes would safeguard the independence of 
Hyderabad at the risk of their Uv<^ ‘Only the previous day’, 
he said, ‘the Ittehad Harijans, assisted by the Razakars, had 
burnt down Gorta and flung men and women into the burning 



On the 3rd, Razvi, when referring to responsible govern- 
ment, said in a public speech* 

‘What kind of freedom have you (India) achieved’ You 
(India) presume to deliver seimons on freedom to the world. 
But just look at yourself, look at your condition and see what 
land of freedom you have achieved There is Pakistan in your 
neighbourhood, take a lesson from It It can teach you consti- 
tution and law The mam purpose behind law is peace and pros- 
perity Everywhere In India you find anarchy (It is) a 
country where there Is no peace and security and where loot 
and murder are of daily occurrence (On the other hand) there 
is no oppression and anarchy in your Stale ' 

On June 9 he said* 

Muslims have always created a new geography for them- 
eelves Very soon the boundaries of Hyderabad will expand 
far beyond Delhi, and (he Asaha Flag will fly over Delhi. Yes, 

I am seeing the Nizam (Asafe Sabia) marching towards Delhi 
On June 10 he said 

Following the example of Muslims of early days they should 
not remain content with the small piece of Pakistan .... 
We are re-wntlng the map of India by bringing together a 
union of Jumna and Musi (the river which ran by Hyderabad). 
We are the grandsons of Stahmood Cbaznavi and the sons of 
Babar When determined ne shall fly the Asaf Jahi Flag on 
the Bed Fort. 

‘They (the Muslims) >sould not be content with one 
Pakistan in the Deccan,’ said Razvi again ‘They would knit 
India and the world into Pakistan. Did not their forebears do 
the same thing 1,300 years ago’’’ he concluded. 

In another speech on June 12, he said 

It Is because, as they themselves say, when Lord Ufount- 
batten leases India, massacres will start again My Hindu 
brethren, the Lluslims have ruled o\er you (Hindus) for 900 
years, therefore, I have sympathy with you If I had wished, 

I ccFUld have exterminated you. 

And on most of these occasions when Razvi was delxvenng 
these speeches, he ■was supported on the platform by one or 
other of the colfcagues of Laik Att in the Ministry, 

What did the protracted negotiations between March and 
July cost Hyderabad and the country? The Nizam’s Govern- 
ment spent crores of rupees in prepanng for a futile military 
conflict and for financing the Razakars. The people suffered 
heavj* loss of life. The Government of India had to foot i 

tub end op an aiA 


heavy bill for military preparations, police action, and for 
establishing order ihcrcailcr. 

The total loss inflicted by Communist activities, which 
flared up from March, 1918, is difltcult to assess. In 1990, 
Havi Narayan Reddy, a leading Communist, submitted an esti- 
mate to his own party, in which he eJaimwi that over 3,000 per- 
sons had been murdered and 3,800 dacoilics committed in Uie 
two or three preceding years. Between February, 19-18, 
and August of 1990, tlic wcll-cnlrcnchcd Communists who 
had gone underground in these districts were responsible for 
223 murders, 24 kidnapping cases and burning 109 houses. 

After the Police Action, the Hyderabad Government had 
to take drastic measures till 1992 when only the three 
Communist ridden districts were brought to normalc>’. The 
Goverrunent of India contributed a sum of Hs. CO lakhs to the 
expenses of this campaign. The Police Budget of the State 
which in 1048-19 was Rs. 2,40,83,995 rose to Rs. 5,04,30,083 
in 1050-51, to Rs. 0,91,71,150 Jn 1931.52 and Rs. 4.72,22.000 
in 1952-53. These figures do not include the expenditure on 
the military forces which were also employed in the State for 
restoring law and order. 

In addition, the removal of the Communist menace involv- 
ed the State in a heavy expenditure for mainlining 9,000 
home-guards; enrolling 553 village chaukidars; setting up 
new villages to accommodate the people of the Lambada 
which ser\-cd as hide-outs for the Communists. To this must 
be added the cost of large-scale ameliorative measures in 
Wamngal and Xnigonda and of the six hundred miles of llie 
fair-weather road, that had to be constructed to open up llic 

The activities of the Communists and the Razakars be- 
tween March and September also imposed a heavy burden on 
the people, through forcible collection of subscriptions; burn- 
ing of villages and village records; looting of propertj'; murder 
of suspects, hosliles and viltage oOicers; attack on police, home- 
gua^s and officers and men. and the destruction of police 
stations by the Communists and the reprisal atrocities of the 



N AWAB Zain Yar Jung, the Agent*General of Hydera- 
bad in New Delhi, was a shrewd and sensible membei* 
of the Hyderabad aristocracy His charming manners 
had made a considerable impression upon several circles in 
New Delhi, and particularly upon General Bucher, the Com- 
mander in-Chief His word was also accepted that the reports 
of the Razakars’ activities were exaggerated Incidentally, his 
reasonable approach to Hyderabad's accession to India led to 
a curious belief that he represented the ruling group m Hydera- 
bad. When Zam, therefore^ set out to bring about a settle- 
ment, he emerged the man of destiny for the moment 

For some tune. Lord Mountbatten even played with 
the idea of solving the whole pn^lem by shovmg Zam Yar 
Jung in Laik All’s seat But few persons m New Delhi knew 
that he was on the black bst of the Ittehad If Laik Ah and 
Mom Nawaz maintained him in Delhi as their Agent, it was 
only because he was a convenient, though innocent, decoy 
and was better away from Hyderabad than m it 

But Lord Mountbatten was all for settlement The fact 
that CampbelWohnson’s mission was criticised by the Press 
throughout India made no difference 

On May 23, Laik Ah went to Delhi I was not surpnsed, 
it was an expected outcome of Campbell-Johnson’s visit 

Suddenly V P. Menon became very reticent with me on 
the telephone and I learnt that Laik Ah had developed a 
chastened mood He saw V P Menon and appealed to him 
to apply his 'fertile mmd' to the findmg of a solution. When 
next I talked to Sardar on the phone, his laugh was cynicaL 
The new Imo which Lord Mountbatten pursued was to 
induce Laik Ali to introduce responsible govemment in Hydera- 
bad and to hold a plebiscite on the question of accession. 

At first Laik AU was polite but firm Responsible 
government was out of the question, for it would lead to acces- 
sion. So was plebiscite, because that would lead to further 



deterioration of the law and order situation. ‘I am willing to 
resign my office, if someone else can secure accession/ he said. 

■ He took up the same position which he had maintained 
since January in his discussions with me, and which the Ittehad 
had taken from August, 1947. He was all for a treaty between 
India and Hyderabad covering Defence, External Affairs and 
Communications. But the agreement on these three Central 
subjects would not concede the Union any power to enact 
overriding legislation in respect of them applying to 
Hyderabad. It must be left to the honour of Hyderabad, he 
contended, to pass legislation in respect of these subjects paral- 
lel to the laws of the Union. He was anxious to pledge words, 
but give no guarantees. 

In a couple of days, however, his attitude underwent a 
miraculous change. He was accommodating beyond belief. At 
a conference held on May 26, at which Lord Mountbatten, 
Panditji and V. P. Menon were present, he accepted the draft 
that had been prepared by V. P. Menon. 

The terms agreed upon were — 

(1) Defence, External Affairs and Communications should 
vest in the Union carrying with it an overriding 
legislative power. 

(il) The strength of the armed forces of Hyderabad would 
not exceed 20,000 men, of whom 60% were to be non- 
Muslims and the Slate Forces Scheme was to apply 
to them. All irregular forces were to be disbanded. 

(ili) Hyderabad was to have no political relations with 
foreign countries. 

(iv) An interim Government with not less than 40% non- 
Muslims as Ministers was to be set up immediately. 

(v) A constituent Assembly was to be formed at latest by 
January 1, 1949 — ^not less than GO/o membership of 
which was to go to non-Muslims. 

V. P. Menon had gone to see Sardar at Mussoorie about 
these terms and the latter, though he approved of them, sent 
a decisive message. He refused to discuss the terms with Laik 
All who, he said, would return to Hyderabad every time for 
discussions and then back out. The agreement must be ac- 
cepted within twenty-four hours of Laik Ali’s going to 



There was great satisfaction m New Delhi circles The 
Hyderabad problem was solved Latk Ah had become the very 
embodiment of reason But, naturally, he wanted to consult 
his colleagues, and so had to leave for Hyderabad. 

The very next day Laik Alt backed out of the agreement. 
He wrote to say that he had never agreed to the principle of 
over-ndmg legislation’ 

On May 28, liaik Ah mvited me to dmner I was sur- 
prised at the effusive reception he gave me, for, our relations 
had been strained for several weeks past 

His whole approach had undergone a revolutionary change 
He said he had no axe to grind, he was only a peace-maker, 
but accession was worse than Paramountcy and he would 
rather die than accede 

He then gave me a summary of the discussions he had 
had with Lord Mountbatten He had come to the conclusion, 
he said, that responsible Government should be introduced with 
the Hmdu-Muslim ratio of 60 40, but he was finding it difficult 
to get the Muslims of Hyderabad to accept the suggestion 
The Nizam, he said, had little objection to it Kasim Razvi was 
a reasonable man and might agree, but some of his followers 
were unwilling 

I asked him about the Razakars and referred to the more 
recent of their depredations Only a few days before they had 
looted a wealthy merchant’s bouse, snatched away the orna- 
ments of the women folk by force and earned away the loot 
m a motor lorry and a jeep I asked him how, even if the 
proposed agreement went thiough, he was going to suppress 
this anti-Indian organization which had become a law 
unto Itself He said he did not despair of meeting the situa- 
tion successfully. 

It was eleven when he made an unusual appeal 

‘Munshi, I want your co-operation’, he said T am makmg 
a great experiment. 1 want the bond between India and 
Hyderabad cemented Give me a chance to show that Hydera- 
bad can be a source of strength to India I know you are very 
critical of me. You have came in my way more than once 
This tunc, please help me Please tell Sardar not to come in 
the way and for Heaven’s sake, do not come in the way 
j ourself 

I was taken aback by this new attitude. All I could say 



was that if Hyderabad adopted a bona fide policy of friendship 
towards India, I would help lum to the best of my;ability. 

Laik Ali asked me what I thought of the proposals. All 
I could say was that New Delhi alone could be the judge of the 
nature of the association between India and Hyderabad. Per- 
sonally I should be happy, I said, if substantial integration with 
India could be achieved by friendly negotiations. But the 
Nizam's Government must make up its mind to open a new 
chapter of friendship. 

‘Why not stop the Ittehad papers from abusing the Indian 
Union and its leaders? And why not release Swami Rama- 
nanda Tirtha?’ I asked. 

‘We cannot release Swami Ramananda Tirtha. I have 
evidence to show that he has taken part in a violent movement, 
replied Laik AIL i 

‘You are not correct’, I said. ‘Swancd Ramananda Tirtha 
has been in jail all the time; he has also given a promise to 
Sardor that he will not indulge in any violent movement. 
Anytvay, releasing him would be a very friendly gesture which 
the whole of India would appreciate.’ Laik Ali would not 

‘What about the Communists?’ I asked. ‘You have lifted 
the ban on them. If you wairt to create a friendly atmosphere, 
why do the Razakars ally themselves mth the Communists? 
The whole of India is perturbed over this alliance.* 

'How can I keep the ban against the Communist Party 
when there is no such ban in the neighbouring province?' he 
asked. . 

This was the most extraoxxlinary conversation that I had’ 
ever had with Laik Ali, I could not for the life of me believe 
that he would agree to a GO : 40 Hindu-Muslim ratio, respon- 
sible government and a cemstituent assembly: and even if he 
did, would Moin Nawaz Jung and Razvi likely to allow him 
to do so? 

The Nizam was cautious. He sent for Sir Walter Monck- 
ton from England and in his reply to Lord Mountbatten 
declined to commit himself to the terms of the agreement. 
Nevertheless, he hastened to declare he would not replace 
Laik AIL 

Sir Walter arrived in IncUa on June 3 and came to 
New Delhi with Laik Ah. Once again, the magician was on 


the Stage The agreement, which Laik Ah had all but entered 
into a week back, vanished and a nval draft deftly produced 
However it was turned down unceremoniously by V P Menon 
Negotiations began afresh- Every day Sir Walter pro- 
duced a new draft Panditji now had no confidence in Laik 
Ah and would not see him. Sardar mstructed Menon not to 
make any counter suggestions and on June 7, 1948 wrote to 
Lord Mountbatten. a letter clarifying his position 

After careful consideraUon of the cour’;c which our rcla 
tionshlp vdth Hyderabad has followed <«ince the ISth August, 
1 am convinced that the presentation of any formula now would 
be a grave mistake It woutd merely provide the delegation 
with material at which they can make publicity and other use 
without in any way conumuing themselves to any particular 
course of acUon In respect of it Apart from this, 1 am saus> 
fied that having regard to the deterioration which has set In 
and the feeling in the country in regard to the many incidents 
which are being perpetrated the latest of which are the attack 
on a village in our Urntory and interference witli the Barsl 
Light Railways the only course wc can adopt now is to break 
OS these negotiauoos and to tell the Hyderabad Delegation 
that the only solution which would be acceptable to us is un 
qualiUcd acceptance of accession to the Indian Dominion in re 
gard to the three subjects and introduction of undiluted rcs« 
ponsible government with a provision for a satisfactory interim 
■arrangement anticipating and facilitating such introduction. 

He also wrote to Lord Mountbatten and Panditji that ac- 
cession and responsible government should be insisted upon, 
and the delay was placmg Government of India m the wrong, 
politically as well as mibtanly 

Sir Walter threatened as before to v\ ithdraw if his advice 
was not accepted. 

As a result of long discussions, draft agreement and the 
Ftrnian were settled on June 23 They embodied the follow- 
ing terms — 

(1) The Umon Parliament was to have the power W 
pass ovemdmg legislation in respect of the three 
Central subjects 

(2) The Razakars were to be banned 

(3) The strength of the Hyderabad Army, subject to the 
State Forces Scheme of 1939, was not to exceed 
twenty thousand. 



(4) The Nizam's Government was to be permitted to 
build up commercial, fiscal and economical relations 
with foreign countries, working under the super- 
vision of the diplomatic representative of India. 

(5) An interim Government with at least 50% Muslim- 
non-Muslims was to be formed immediately. 

(6) The Constituent Assembly, with a 60 ; 40 non-Mus- 
lim-Muslim ratio was to be summoned for January 1, 

(7) A cabinet responsible to the Constituent Assembly 
was to be set up with the communal ratio of 60 : 40 
as soon as that Assembly met. 

(8) The Constituent Assembly so set up was to frame 
a constitution for the State with cultural and reli- 
gious safeguards for Muslims for ten years. 

(9) The communal proportion of the public services 
was to be altered to the 60 : 40 formula by January 
1. 1954. 

(10) The question of accession was to be left to a ple- 

(11) The Union would have the power to station troops 
in Hyderabad in case of emergency. 

Laik Ali with his infinite capacity for appearing to agree 
to anything so long he was left free to repudiate it, accept- 
ed these terms as well. How on earth could anyone believe 
that they would be accepted by the Ittehad rulers, was more 
than I could understand. 

On the 10th, Laik AU and Sir ^yaUe^ Monckton returned 
to Hyderabad to secure the Nizam’s consent to the terms. The 
expected happened. 

The Nizam would not agree to any conditions relating to 
the composition of the Constituent A^embly or the interim 
Government; nor would he agree to concede any overriding 
legislative power to the Union in respect of the three Central 

On June 12, Sir Walter was back again in New Delhi 
suggesting fresh terms. 

On June 13, Lord Mountbalten, accompanied by Pan- 
ditjl and Mcnon, went to Dchra Dun where Sardar was con- 
valescing. Sardar, after fully discussing the matter, agreed to 



certain steps that were proposed, which, it was hoped, would 
inevitably lead to other results. 

On June 13, Monckton asked the remaining members 
of the Delegation who were at Hyderabad to return to New 
Delhi with plenipotentiary powers in order finally to settle the 
outstanding points. The delegation arrived. More discus- 
sions followed 

The Nizam wanted the following points to be conceded — 

1 The composition of the Constituent Assembly and the 
interim Government were to be left to him 

2 The strength of the Hyderabad army was to be raised 
by eight thousand more troops 

3 The Razakars were not to be disbanded immediately, 
but within three months 

4 The Government of India was only to assume power 
to station troops in Hyderabad if a grave emergency was de- 
clared under Section 102 of the Government of India Act of 
1935, Le when the public tranquillity of India as a whole was 
threatened, but not otherwise 

New Delhi was obliging enough to accommodate the Nizam 
In the result, the three Central subjects, vital to India's unity 
and stability, were to be left to his mercy The Hindus of the 
State also lost the game, they had been at the mercy of the 
Nizam for centuries, and so they remained 

The armed forces of Hyderabad were to be raised to 28 
thousand The Government of India was also to provide the 
arms and ammunition with which they were to l» equipped 
and, after three months, and then only, the Nizam would be 
good enough to disband the Rozakars* 

The Nizam had already declared that he would not change 
his Prime kllnister, so that the consUtution both of the interim 
government and the Constituent Assembly depended upon the 
Will of the Iliehad masters of Hyderabad. 

Lalk All however, was keen on the economic and fiscal 
Independence of Hyderabad That was his fixed idea and he 
pressed for it Lord Mounibalten conceded that it might be 
Incorporated m a letter from Pandiljl to Lalk All, but the 
former could not agree to this as the ^nance Minister of India 
was abroad So the point in dispute remained outstanding 

These terms were also embodied in a draft agreement and 
^rmcn to be Issued by the Nizam Every participant In the 



discussion stressed the point that there was no further scope 
left for negotiations. L<ord Mountbatten made it explicit to 
Laik Ali that the Nizam must either totally accept or reject 
the drafts. 

When I learnt of the terms which had been tentatively 
arrived at in New Delhi, I was far from happy. While the 
Standstill Agreement had been tom to bits and the tardy and 
futile negotiations had been dragging on, regardless of the havoc 
that was being worked by the Communists and the 
Ittehadis. 1 had waited with cndle^ torture and impatience. 
The present agreement was so enveloped in uncertainty that 
many more months of discussion would be required before any- 
one could agree to the same thing in the same sense. 

Meanwhile there was going to be no change of heart and 
no change in the masters who controlled Hyderabad. It was 
clear to me that the Ittehad was merely biding its time and 
was never going to Implement this new agreement. The only 
result would be that our cause would *suffcr and the position 
of the Ittehad would have a firmer basis. And the people of 
Hyderabad would continue to pay an increasingly heavy price 
and the ‘cancer in the belly of India’, as Sardar put it, would 
continue to grow. 

The integrity of India was in the balance. 



T he next day, my belief m the unreliability of the Nizam 
and his advisers was vindicated 

Laik All left for Hyderabad with a promise that at 7-30 
P M on the 15th, he would commumcate the happy news of 
the Nizam’s approval of the settlement 

At the appointed tune, all who were concerned in New 
Delhi sat with telephone glued to their ears I did so m Bola- 
nim The 7-30 P M — the crucial minute — came and was gone 
Then came the Nizam s message 'I must have more time, I 
must take the advice of my Council ’ 

On the 16th evening, the Nizam sent a telegram to Lord 
Mountbatlen He would not accept the proposed settlement 
and raised the following additional four points 

(i) Words giving the Nizam the discretion to decide the 
basis of the Constituency had been omitted from the final draft 
firman without Laik Alt s knowledge and consent 

(ii) The phrases indicating that the Interim Government 
would be formed m consultation with the leaders of the various 
political parties had been similarly inserted m the draft firman 
(ill) Hyderabad's commercial, economic and fiscal inde- 
pendence must be guaranteed in express terms 

(iv) There must be provision for arbitration with regard 
to any dispute under the Agreement 

New Delhi had already given in on the point of the non- 
Muslim-Muslim ratio of 60 40 in the Constituent Assembly 

In the Government that was to follow and the public 
services even the semblance of an assurance giving the Hindus 
some reasonable represHitation was unacceptable to the Nizam 
The Nizam, by’ a lapse can only be called 

miraculous, was made to challenge, and did in fact challenge, 
the integrity of Lord Mountbatten and Monckton, for Laik 
All contended that the two changes in the draft firman re- 
ferred to m the first two pomts had been made without his 
knowledge and consent He had only discovered these omis- 
sions and insertions, he said, after he had left New Delhi for 



Hyderabad. This evoked a strongly-worded message from 
Lord Mounlbatten. Sir Walter Monckton wired to Lord 
Mountbatten— ‘Lost’. Who did? I asked myself. Certainly not 
the people of Hyderabad, nor India. 

Sir Walter saw the Nizam and Laik AU on the 19th June 
with a note of Lord Mountbatten giving replies to the points 
raised. The changes suggested by the Nizam were too insigni- 
ficant to be worth the risk of a breakdown. With regard to 
the commercial, economic and fiscal independence, the Govern- 
ment of India would certainly consider Hyderabad's request 
sympathetically. The arbitration clause tvas already there in 
the Standstill Agreement and surely arbitration could not be 
a satisfactory alternative to mutual goodwill. 

Not all the persuasiveness of Sir Walter Monckton could 
bring about any change in the attitude of the Nizam, or rather 
of the Ittehad. By securing fiscal independence, the Itlehad 
leaders wanted to further economic integration with Pakistan. 
By means of the arbitration clause, they hoped for a lever by 
which to block any strong action on the part of the Union, and 
to invoke the intervention of the U.N.O. or the International 
Court In fact they wanted independence and they did not 
care by what process of wishful thinking New Delhi satisfied 
itself that Hyderabad was in some way associated with the 

The Nizam saw that he had gone rather too far in attri- 
buting double^ealing to the highly placed participants In the 
negotiations, and withdrew the charge. But he stuck to the 
four points he had made, and added a fifth: India was not to 
station troops in Hyderabad, even if a state of all-India emer- 
gency was declared! 

Panditji held a press conference on June 17 and the 
story of the negotiations (including the drafts) was placed be- 
fore the public. India, he said, would not entertain any further 
negotiations. The settlement, as approved, was to be the last 
word in the negotiations. 

On June 3^ Sir WaJJer Monckten finally left Delhi, per- 
haps broken-hearted. 

1 received a report of how he parted from the Nizam, Even 
if it were not true, it was characteristic of them both. 

*I hope you will return soon’, said the Nizam when Sir 
W.alter hade good-bye. 



‘I hope you wjJl still be the Nizam of Hyderabad when 
next I come’, replied Sir Walter 

Never had any client a more competent adviser than 
Monckton, and never was any adviser so recklessly flouted as 
he was and to such complete undoing of the chent himself 

I was glad that Sir Walter was out of the Hyderabad 
affair He could not stop the mad career of the Ittehad, he 
could only give it a protective covei, which prevented its meet- 
ing Its fate But our contact had added personal regard to my 
old admiration for him 

Before leaving India, Lord Mountbatten sent ^ long tele- 
gram to the Nizam pressing upon him not to allow the mter- 
ests of the State to be sacnflced at the behest of the Ittehad 
clique Lord Mountbatten sUlI thought that the Nizam could 
assert himself against the Ittehad leaders He did not know 
that he had thrown away his last chance of breaking their 

Why was Laik Ah so anxious to come to terms’ Why 
did he agree to the terms on the 14th and then resile from 
that position’ This has been a nddle which I have tried to 
solve in consultation with several persons intimately connect 
ed with the events of the day including Zaheer Ahmed, Laik 
All’s Secretary who was with him at Delhi. 

There was a rumour that it was done at the instance of 
Jinnah The other explanation was that on the night of the 
14th, before he left New Delhi Laik Ah who was very de\out, 
received what he believed to be a mandate from Above 

Perhaps a more correct view is that the negotiations and 
Laik All’s acceptance of draft agreements from time to time, 
were a device to kill time till Lord Mountbatten left India 
Tor if they broke with him, a break with Sir Walter Monck- 
ton would follow, and the Ittehad did not want to convert either 
of them into enemies 

Anyway India had narrowly escaped disaster and I thank- 
ad /ar 

On June 19, I paid my farewell visit to Lord Mount- 
batten He was very nice to me 

I told him what I genuinely felt about his services to the 
country From the Indian point of view he had been the best 
friend India had in the long history of British rule But for 
him, the transfer of power would never have been so smooth 



and Indo-British relations would not have been established on 
such a friendly footing. 

He too was veiy frank. He told me the story of his nego- 
tiations with Laik AIL 

'Munshi, I had many jolts in my life. But never have I 
received such a shock as was given me by these people of 
Hyderabad,' he said. 

This gave me my chance. ‘Your Excellency, last March, 
sitting at that table I told you that the Nizam’s Government 
did not mean business. I am g/ad you have come to Che same 

I could not help reflecting once again, that a little more 
sternness on his part, and a little less of reliance on Sir Walter 
Monckton’s advocacy, would have brought accession in March. 
Thus we parted. 

Lord Mountbatten left the shores of India on June 21. 
On the eve of his departure he sent his final message to the 
Nizam. The concluding warning ran as follows; 

10, You and I know full well that a Ruler In your posi- 
tion cannot escape ulUmato persona! responsibility for making 
the final decision. This is now for you and you alone to make. 
You will go down in history eiilier as Uie man who threw away 
an oiler which, speaking quite impartially, 1 consider eminently 
fair to Hyderabad and thereby incur the universal condemnation 
of thinking men, or as the pcace-nukcr of South India and as 
the saviour of your State, your ciynasty and your people. In the 
latter case you will also cam the real friendship and gratitude 
of India. 

11. This Is U^e lost advice and help I can give you and 
I am your sincere friend. 


Governor-General of India. 

The reply ran: 

1 just received Your ExccUency’s telegram of the 18th June 
lor which 1 thank you. 1 am afraid I and my Government arc 
unable to change the ded^on which is already known' to you 
since Sir Walter Monckton must have conveyed to you in addi- 
lion to my message yesterday in this regard. Wishing Your 
Excellencies Godspeed and safe return to England- . . 


On June 10, at a ccmfcrence .held at ..the Secretariat 
level, at which I was presen^.the whole situation was review- 



ed and it was decided to stiffen the economic blockade of 

Since the dinner on the night of the 28th of May, all my 
contacts with Laxk Ah had stopped Within a few days of 
Lord Mountatten’s departure, however, Zaheer Ahmed, the 
Secretary of the Ehctemal Affairs of Hyderabad, came to see 

‘I have come to you because I have faith in you,’ he began. 
'I have always told these people that you are the only man 
through whom settlement could be made, but they would not 
listen to me ’ 

Zaheer,’ I said, ‘you know, and 1 know, that you have lost 
the best chance of perpetuating Ittehad rule m Hyderabad 
when you rejected the settlement you had come to with Lord 
Mountbatten ’ 

‘Please help us,’ he said ‘TJiere are only four points now 
on which there is a difference of opimon You alone can set- 
tle them ’ 

I was somewhat frank 'You know my views I was 
against the terms on which a settlement was going to be made 
If my Government had made it, I should naturally have ac- 
cept^ it But all the tune 1 knew that you would never have 
carried it out, and that we ^ould have less sanction to en- 
force It than what we have had under the Standstill Agree- 
ment. You can rely on me only if you are prepared to accedo 
to the Union for the three Central subjects unreservedly ’ 

Next day, I heard Sardar's voice over the phone, vibrating 
with good dieer ‘Well, Munshi’ How are you’ Is 
everything all right’ What about your Nizam’’ 

'Oh, he IS all right,’ I said 
Then I told him about Zabeer’s suggestion 
‘Settlement’’ — as if he had never heard of any such thing 
What settlement’’ 

His jocose queries were a sure sign of his mood Ho 
.w?jv felt hiJ 22 se}f the jroaslnr of the jstme 
‘The Rfountbatten Settlement,’ I said 
‘Tell him that the Settlement has gone to England,’ he 
i-ephed caustically and laughed. 


Though the ruling circles in Hyderabad were talking big 
about martyrdom and defiance, rapid demoralization irame* 
diately set in. The treatment of the Lingayats in the Bidar 
district had made that community furious. Malikarjunappa, 
their representative in the ministry, contacted 'me. He had 
received a mandate from the community to leave the ministry. 

The Commerce Minister, Joshi, could sense danger miles 
away. The day the Mountbatten negotiations had fallen 
through, he had wired to Sardar asking for an interview. 
Sardar’s hammer came down on him mercilessly. 

Joshi met me on the 30th. ‘Sardar would not give me an 
interview. Look at this telegram,’ he said. ‘My inner- 
voice prompts me to sever my connection with the 
Nizam’s Government I want to see Sardar with a view to 
telling him that I am going to resign. Please arrange for an 
interview for me.’ 

'Why do you want to see Sardar?’ 1 asked.* You are Eazvi’s 
man. Even when I merely gave you a hint that you were in 
bad company, you went and complained to Laik Ali that I 
wanted you to resign. And you stuck to your job! Why should 
I help you?' 

‘Please write to Sardar and ask him to give me an 

‘Why should I?’, I replied. 'You have been Razvi’s part- 
ner in all the horrors which have been committed against the 
people of Hyderabad, I only arrange interviews with Sardar 
when a pubUc cause demands it.’ 

Joshi was completely deflated. ‘I have decided to send 
in my resignation.’ 

‘I don’t believe it,’ I said. 

'Oh, I am going to resign today. I shall come back. 
Please communicate with Sardar about it.’ 

At 9-30 P.M. Joshi relumed and showed me his draft 
resignation. He said he was going to Jalna, the place whero 
his factory was, and would submit his resignation on his return. 

On July 21 he came back. He had wound up his affairs, 
transferred his monies to Bombay and was now ready for the 
plunge. But he said that his life was in danger, that he 
might be murdered, that his resignation might be suppressed. 
Would I please keep a copy of the resignation and all the evi- 
dence which he had collected about the atrocitie.s in Parbhani 



and other places’ And would I please make use of them x£ 
anythmg happened to him’ 

The resignation was an interesting document T am loyal 
to Hyderabad and my beloved ruler,’ he had wntten 'That 
IS why I am takmg this step I accepted office only to secure 
communal peace Naturally, therefore, I want to devote my 
time and energy even at the cost of my life to secure peace. 
My place is amongst the masses * 

‘War, seems to be on the lips of every Muslim brother* 
the resignation continued, ‘wherever I have gone in these 
districts, I have come acro;^ sad and pitiable Hindu faces, who 
came to me with pitiable tales eithei of loss of their lives, 
property or fear of their lives Rape and rapine seem to have 
become common * 

Laik All was furious when Joshi submitted his resigna- 
tion He knew that the ship was sinking He did his best to 
keep the knowledge of it from the public, but needless to say 
the Delhi Radio announced it to (he world that same day. 

On July 4, the Nizam wrote a letter to Mr Atlee, then the 
British Prime Munster, asking his Government and the 
governments of the people in the British Commonwealth to 
mtervene and find a way out of his difficulties At the same 
time, Panditji also wrote strongly about the attitude of the 
Nizam to the British Pnme Munster, who replied to the Nizam 
regretting his mabihty to accede to his request. The Labour 
Government throughout had played and were playing a very 
honourable part m the matter of India 

Now the veil over the preparations for a military conflict 
which were being made In Hyderabad, was drawn aside *1110 
city bore the appearance of a war camp Gun running from 
Goa by land and from Karachi by air was being accelerated 
The planes flew to and from Karachi bnngmg in small arms 
New stenguns and lavishly supplied ammunition were now 
m evidence At considerable risk brave Narayanarao the 
Presjdexft of the Arys and his heutenajot^ collated 

information about these planes and the stations to which the 
goods they carried were being consigned 

The construction of the Begumpet aerodrome, which was 
to Imk Hyderabad with the world, was proceeding rapidly 
During those days, Hyderabad’s money flowed unstintedly 
Lakhs of rupees had been sent to vanous parties in London 



and Pakistan and sterling to the extent of about one and a 
half million was transferred to the Pakistan High Commissioner 
in London. Laik Ali contndled a huge discretionarj’ grant, 
which not only financed the Razakar activities, but helped 
many people to make foreign tours in order to secure inter- 
national help. Someone flew to Egypt, someone else to Iraq. 

Desmond Young, an ex-editor of the Pioneer and once the 
public relations officer of the Indian Government, went to the 
U.S.A. with unlimited funds at his disposal to plead the cause of 
Hyderabad. As a result a sudden barrage of propaganda 
against India flooded the correspondence columns of the Ame- 
rican Press. The assistance of various publicity firms and pro- 
minent Americans was also sought to bring the Indo-Hydera- 
bad dispute before the Security Council. 

Zain Yar Jung, the Agent-General at Delhi, who had work- 
ed hard to bring about a settlement, %vas now openly declared 
a gaddar, a traitor, by the Utehad. This meant his liquidation. 
With his sweet srnlle and genuine horror of the Razokars, ho 
had tried to discredit my reports of their doings; now he was 
going to have first-hand knowledge of them! 

A deputation of some leading non-Ittehadi Muslims waited 
on Laik Ali, urging upon him that the Nizam should be advised 
to accede to the Indian Union. To the fears they expressed that 
there might be military action, Laik Ali was reported to have 
said 'If the Union Government takes any action against Hydera- 
bad, 100,000 men are ready to join our army. We also have 
a hundred bombers in South Arabia ready to bomb Bombay.’ 

The Peacock Airborne Division was still *in the air.’ 



T hings were coming to a head After the negotiations 
had been broken off, Panditji was thoroughly disgusted 
with Laik All and his goup Sardar was now back m 
Delhi and in good health. At the inauguration of the Patiala 
and East Punjab States Umcm, he said 

Many have asked me the question What is going to hap- 
pen in Hyderabad’ They foi^et that when I spoke at Juna 
gadh I said openly that if Hyderabad did not behaie properly 
it tvould go the way of Junagadh These words still stand and 
I stand by these words 

This unequivocal declaration created a new atmosphere in 
the country and a great stir m Hyderabad 

The shadow of a military conflict was over Hyderabad and 
naturally General El Edroos, the Commander of the Hydera 
bad Armed Forces, began to come into the picture 

Sik feet tall and broad-shouldered, El Edroos was a re- 
markable personality In a drawing room he looked every 
inch a soliher His manners were charming He was socially 
popular, and he and his wife often met me at functions at the 
Dakshma Sadan and were very mce to me 

In the beginning, he had been friendly with the Ittehad 
and Laik All appeared to have complete confldence m him 
His notions of military action were derived from wishes In 
the hope that negotiations would ullimatel} succeed, he was 
pampenng the Ittehad His opunon, which was generally 
circulated in Hyderabad and accepted by the Ittehad circle, was 
that the Indian Army was a bama anny and Hyderabad could 
resist it for at least six months Now that there was tlie 
possibility of a military conflict, however, his confidence was 

If the reports furnished to me were true, Laik All 
suspected him of disloyalty I was given to understand that 
It was only under the advice of some military expert from 
Pakistan that Laik All did not zt^lace him at this cntical 



Now that the armed forces of India and Hyderabad were 
facing each other on the border, El Edroos woke up to the 
responsibility of maintaining the morale of his troops which 
had been undermined by the irresponsible conduct of the 
Razakars. ? . 

The Razakars were intoxicated with a sense of their in- 
vincibility. At various places on the’ border, they provoked 
conflicts with the Indian troops. When they were worsted, as 
they were in every case, they took vicarious revenge on 'the 
Hindu population of the neighbouring villages. 

In the border districts, the Razakars were a law unto them- 
selves. They often entered railway stations, and after drag- 
ging the passengers out of the trains, searched and robbed 
them. They commandeered stores from private individuals 
and demanded food and money at the point of the bayonet. 
No non-Muslim woman could venture into the streets without 
being molested by them. 

At the beginning of May, the vagaries of the Razakars 
caused me a few hours of personal anxiety. My son, Jagdlsh, 
and his wife, who had spent their holiday with me, were on 
tlieir way from Bangalore to Bombay, when, at Gangapur, the 
last station in Hyderabad territory, some one pulled the alarm 
chain. The train stopped and was attacked by Razakars. 
Several passengers were belaboured and looted; eleven were 
seriously injured; two were killed and thirteen were missing, 
among whom were four women and two children. With great 
difficulty, the engine driver pulled the train out of the station. 

^Vhen I heard of the attack on the train, my heart missed 
a beat. If they had recognised Jagdish, I had little doubt 
that the sms of the father would have been visited on the son. 
Luckily, they failed to do so. When the train reached Shola- 
pur station, the military officer who was in charge of it, was 
good enough to send me a telegram saying that my son and his 
wife had arrived safely in the Union territory. 

Apart from the general demoralisation which such activi- 
ties brought in their wake, El Edroos was very unhappy at 
the way in which the Razakars interfered with his military 
arrangements. The enclave of Barsi in the Sholapur district 
of Bombay was surrounded on all sides by Hyderabad territory. 
In order to reach this cndave the Indian armed forces and the 



police had to pass through the Hyderabad village of Nanaj \s 
a matter of routine they did this every other day 

On July 24, a large number of Razakars and some Pathans, 
who had recently been employed to support them, cleared 
Nanaj of the villagers with the assistance of the local police 
and laid an ambush m a fort-like house When a party of In- 
dian troops was moving frcan Sholapur to Bar*i on normal petrol 
duty, they were fired upon by the Razakars and Pathans from 
this house Six men were killed and sue wounded The army 
immediately deployed, captured the village after a bitter fight, 
and occupied it 

The military authorities of the Union and Hyderabad 
appointed a committee consisting of Brigadier Singh of the 
Indian Army and Lt -Col Weston of the Hyderabad Army to 
make a joint enquiry The report put the blame for the inci- 
dent on the Razakars 

Kasim Razvi was veiy much annoyed with LU Col Weston 
for signing the Nanaj report and wanted General El Edroos to 
suspend him This the Commander refused to do Enraged, 
Razvi sent an order to a company of the armed forces at Osman- 
abad to re-capture Nanaj El Edroos instructed the command- 
ing officer not to obey Hazvi’s order This created a serious 
rift between Razvi and the Commander-m-Chief 

On July 27, about 200 Razakars made ready to attack a vil- 
lage in Indian territory A column of Indian troops was moved 
in to protect the village and was fired upon from across the 
border The column commander rounded up the armed 

I realised the extent of the rift only when Colonel Graham 
a great fnend of General El Edroos whom I had met before 
came to see me He was in charge of the Civic Guards He 
was not prepared to stay in Hyderabad any longer, he said, 
unless Razvi’s activities were stopped, and an Arms Act intro- 
duced, banning the carrying of arms without license As this 
was not possibly he was leaving for England 

Colonel Graham was a charming man He liad fought 
in Italy durmg World War II, and while doing so, he had 
captured some promment Italian whose splendid revolver he 
had kept with himself as a precious memento He brought 
the revolver to me 

“If I take It with me to Bombay, it may be forfeited" he 



said. “Will you please accept this as from me? If ever we 
meet again, I shall he glad it you will return it to me." I 
promised to do so. 

When Col. Graham left for England, however, I asked the 
Government of Bombay to receive him and see that he was 
allowed to embark without any harassment. Not only did 
they receive him at Bombay, but, as a parting piece of courtesy 
from me, they handed him back the revolver which he prized 
BO much. 

The Nanaj incident had irritated General El Edroos beyond 
measure. As Commander-in-Chief he found it intolerable that 
Razvi should meddle with his oflBcers. He therefore went to 
the Nizam and insisted that the Razakars should either be 
eliminated or placed under his control. He also requested Laik 
All to hand over to him all the arms which were being smug- 
gled in by the Sydney Cotton Planes. The Nizam could not, 
and Laik Aii would not, comply with these demands. 

About the beginning of August, Rev. W. Le Cato Edwards, 
Head of the Diocese of Medak, Church of South India, came to 
me with complaints about the situation prevailing in his dio- 
cese. I felt that in view of the propaganda carried on by the 
Nizam’s Government, a statement of facts by the head of a 
Christian Mission, entirely neutral in the dispute, would help 
in placing India’s case before r^ponsible public opinion in 
foreign countries. 

At my suggestion Rev. Mr. Edwards forwarded me a letter, 
dated August 5, 1948, addressed to the headquarters of the 
three Missionary Societies, two of England and one of Austra- 
lia, which he represented. 

In the letter the conditions in the Diocese of Medak were 
summarised under three heads: The General Stata of Lawless- 
ness, Open Conflict and Established Rebellion. After setting 
out certain instances, Rev. Mr. Edwards wrote: — 

It was ^stressing the other morning to visit a village on 
the outside near the City and to find it mostly deserted as a 
result of looting by a band of Razakars the previous night, the 
attack being accompanied by Serious bodily Injuries. 

Nevertheless the ChtisUaos are being subject to pressure 
through attempts at bribery and threats. In the Panigiri area 
they are being pressed by Coixuntinists, in another area .by a 
State Congress group, in yet another by a Depressed' Classes 



organisation, anct in another—in fact in many areas — by Raza- 
kars. Soaicumcs they are compelled to join a particular group 
for safety's sake. It is becoming more and more difficult for 
them to maintain a neutral attitude. 

A great many Innocent and peace-loving villagers are suf- 
fering from attacks from all sides. Pressure is brought to 
bear on them by the party immediately in control, and this 
Is followed by murderous attacks by the opposing party. The 
villager finds himself between two or more fires, and there 
are many distressing cases of punitive measures resulting in 
wholesale robbery, the partial and complete burning of vil- 
lages and indiscriminate shooting without enquiry Our senior 
workers In those areas can quote of Christiana be- 
ing involved In all the tragedies, and can vouch for the in 
noccncc of many of these simple village folk. 

Apiieals have been made against the shooting of un-armed 
villagers on mere suspicion, and the indiscriminate burning of 
villages, but they have been of little avo]). 

Writing under the heading Established Rebellion, Rev 
Ur. Edwards wrote. 

This situaUon v\e have found clUetly In the balgonda dis< 
trict where, in roanv arca», the Communists seem to be com 
pleloly m control This state of affairs has been preceded by 
n period of open warfare, in which a greater number of peo- 
ple have lost their goods, their houses and their lives. 

To our knowledge this situation has been further aggra 
vated recently by the Police A police lorry patrolling the 
road north of Panlglrl saw six people walking along the road 
and without any questioning they were shot down and their 
bodies burnt on the roadside The bodies were later found by 
the Communists who buried them in graves near the rood, 
on each of which they placed a red Oag. Aa a result of these 
liappenings all the villagers have become very Incensed and 
there Is a tendency for them to avow allegiance to the Com 
munisis. The main road has been cut up for several miles and 
trees thrown across il Thus the loyalty of the people to Uie 
Govcrnmait is being abenated. Periodic raids by the I’oilcc 
for plunder and the burning of bouses and villages tends to 
consolidate this state of rebcUion. 

There are other areas in the coustiy where the Itazakars 
are practically in control Their usual practice is to extort pay- 
ments from villagers, ostensibly for their *protcctlon'. If any- 
one evades the levy, Uielr bouses ore looted or burnt. As 
far as we have noted. Vhciv have been sysicmaUc attacks on 
rich people and on the western side of the Medal, dltrici thc»e 
Itazakars have enlisted numbers of the IXeprcascd Ciax>es 
KighUy escapades of otgaoisod looting, burning and Utilng have 
been reported. 


THEiEND 0r.4N 

I forwarded one copy of this letter to the States Ministry 
and also the original for being forwarded to the High Com- 
missioner for the United Kingdom in India. 

The Prince of Berar, the eldest son of the Nizam, was the 
de jure Commander-In-Chief of the Nizam's army. Though 
generally indifferent and ineffective, he was now galvanised 
into sudden activity and began to attend the miUlary head- 
quarters, a thing he had never been known to do before. On 
August 3, he called upon General El Edroos to supply him with 
a copy of the military plans as he wanted to know something 
about the military situation of Hyderabad. 

General El Edroos 'was taken aback. He promised to sub- 
mit the plana to the Prince in due course and went to Laik Ali 
for instructions. He wus told not to give the plans to the 

The Prince thereupon wrote an angry letter to Lalk Ali 
protesting against what he characterised as a gross act of miU^ 
taiy Indiscipline. He wrote that if General El Edroos did not 
obey his orders, either bis subordinate should go or he would 
go himself. 

On coming to know of this ultimatum, General El Edroos, 
on the 4th, submitted Iris resignation directly to the Prime 
Minister. The Prince sent another strong protest. The Gene- 
ral had no business to go over his head and approach tlie Prime 
Minister directly. The resignation should have been submitted 
through him. The General thereupon sent the resignation 
through the Prince of Berar, but Laik Ali sent word to the 
Prince that General Ei Edroos was indispensable. 

The Nizam now sent a message to the Prince of Berar that 
he should not interfere in military matters, whereupon the 
Prince submitted his resignation. Laik Ali had consultations 
with the Nizam and had the whole thing suppressed. 

At night the All-India Radio came out with the startling 
news of the resignation! This not only infuriated Laik Ali 
but spread demoralisation throughout Hyderabad. 

Early in August, Prince Muazam Jah, the younger and 
favourite son of the Nizam, wrote to his father charging him 
with leading Hyderabad to detraction. He asked for five 
crores of rupees which his fatlmr had promised him, so that 



he could leave Hyderabad and stay safely In the Union. The 
terms of his letter were rather pathetic: 

UoRckton was our friend, and he left )ou In dis- 
gust. Lord Iilounthatten was Hjdcrahad's best friend, you 
drove him into hostility. Ur. Uunshi came here as a friend; 
I know him since the daya of Sir Alubar Hydarl. He ^^'ould 
have been of great use, but you have turned him into an enemy. 
I know Pandit Jawah^lat also very well, and you also made 
him an enemy. It you make peace with the Indian Union, 
the people of H^tierabad will be happy.. Hyderabad wilt be 
saved and the Asafla dynasty wiU continue. 

Pingle Venkatarama Reddy, the Deputy Pnme Minister, 
found that he needed rest and left for Bangalore. 

The great task now before the Razvi group was to prevent 
the Nizam from replacing the Lalk All Ministry. 



W ITH Lord Mountbatten gone and Sir \\'‘alter Monckton 
unavailable, the Nizam began, to realise the dangers of 
his position and made a last effort to break the prison 
which he had built for himself. 

The first thing he did now was to have a frank talk with 
Hosh. In the course of a two hours' interview, Hosb advised 
him that he should meet me, change the ministry, accede 
to the Union, and, if necessary, secure military support from 
New Delhi for the suppression of the Kazakars. The Nizam 
was completely unnerved by this interview. 

Hosh Yar Jung kept Sir Mirza Ismail in touch with the 
developments. Sir Mirza advised the Nizam not to take the 
case to the United Nations. It was at this time that the Nizam 
summoned All Yavar Jung who had gone into political obscu- 
rity. When asked to go to the U.N.O. to support the Nizam’s 
case, Ali Yavar declined to do so. With complete autocracy In 
Hyderabad and the way in which the Razakars were allowed 
to behave, he said, he could not face the Security Council. 

About this time, I received a message piuporting to be 
from Ali Yavar Jung. He had had talks with the Nizam, who 
wanted to make a change in the ministry and was anxious to 
know whether the Government of India would make a state- 
ment that they were not prepared to deal with the present 
ministry. I conveyed to him that it had already been made 
clear by Panditjl that the Government of India would not deal 
with the Laik Ali Ministry. 

As the prospects of an armed conflict were coming nearer, 
seven brave Muslims, most of them being pensioners, publish- 
ed a statement condemning the activities of the Razakars and 
favouring accession to India. 'The statement created a storm; 
many criticised it and some even questioned its motive. One 
son stole a march on others by publishing the discovery that 
his father — one of the signatories— tvas a Mir Jafar,' writes 
All Yavar in Hyderabad in Retrospect, 


LaiJc All and the Ittehad bfrtb took a very serious view of 
this defiance The Government recommended that the pension 
of some of the signatones diould be stopped The Nizam 
urged forgiveness and the Itteh^ suspected that the state- 
ment was issued with his blessings. 

This suspicion became very strong when, with the acquie- 
scence of Laik All, the Nizam invited Sir Mirza Ismail to help 
Sir Mirza visited Delhi, where he was the guest of Shri Raja- 
gopaiachan, then Governor-General of India He soon dis- 
covered that opimon against Hyderabad had hardened in New 
Delhi AH the threads of negotiations were now m the 
hands of Sardar, and there was no question of any negotiation 
on the basis of the Mountbatten drafts 

Sensing the danger of the situation. Sir Mirza, the friend 
of the Nizam that he was, advised him to sign the Mountbatten 
drafts even without consulting his mmisters If necessary, 
he wrote, the Indian Army should be mvited to give protec- 
tion to the Nizam agamst his Government and the Razakars 

This personal letter of Sir Mirza was brought to the Nizam 
by Nawab 2am Yar Jung, who was already a i 7 addor marked 
out for early liquidation 

On July 29, Sir Mirza Ismail again sent a telegiam to 
the Nizam that the situation was grave and that Laik All 
should at once come to Delhi to confer with him and to bring 
about a settlement Hosh was sangumc that LaUc Vh would 
soon be dismissed from office 

Ittehad circles became anxious They hated Hosh, Sir 
Mirza and Zam Yar Jung, whom they suspected of working 
for a settlement on the basis of the Mountbatten drafts. They 
also knew that New Delhi was insisting on a change m the 
Laik All Ministry and the Nizam was in accord with the 

The Ittehad immediately took the offensive. A storm burst 
over the head of the Nizam himself. Parcham, an Ittc- 
had organ, charged the Nizam with trying to sabotage 
his Ministry. Feelings ran high The Razakars brandish- 
ed their swords In no uncertam terms it was convey- 
ed to Been Yar Jung that if any assistance from the Indian 
Army was sought by the Nizam, there would be no Nizam left 
to be protected. 

On August 2, while addressing the Hyderabad Legislative 


Assembly, Laik Ali delivered a thundering challenge to the 
Indian llnion: 

We have weighed up every factor and come to the con- 
clusion that in order to prevent the flow of human blood and 
loss of human life any step Is worth t ak ing... Hyderabad has 
decided to refer its case to the United Nations in the hope 
Uiat that body may be able to find a peaceful solution of the 

He then made an announcement regarding the personnel 
of the Hyderabad Delegation to U.N., reviewed the ‘four months 
of stress and strain,* and referred to the Government of India 
in the following terms; 

They may coerce us. They may subject us to any ordeals. 
They may overrun us by their military strength. We cannot 
give up our stand. We shall not give up our freedom. Hydera- 
bad has emerged from many bitter trials more hopeful, more self- 
reliant, more confident ami hardened; morally and materially 
stronger and better organiaed, and can look fonvard to the future 
with greater optimism than ever before. 

It was the Ittehad lion roaring, not against the Indian 
Union but against the Nizam. The Kizam*s radio called both 
Sir Mirza and Zain Yar Jung traitors, and the Council of the 
Ittehad passed a strongly-worded resolution condemning 
them both. 

The Nizam's radio was also prompt in its repudiation of 
Sir Mirza’s intervention. It said that there w'as no truth in the 
report that Sir Mirza had gone to Delhi at the instance of the 
Nizam; Laik Ali would not proceed to Delhi unless he was 
assured of a settlement on honourable terms. 

When the Nizam heard of the speech Laik Ali had deliver- 
ed and the attack on Sir Mirza, he worked himself up to a 
pitch of fury against his Prime Minister. He discussed with 
Hosh the formation of a new Ministry. He addressed two 
letters to Sir Mirza, one official and the other personal, in one 
of which he asked him to come to Hyderabad. 

Sir Mirza asked my advice on the phone. I told him that 
tlic Nizam was considering a change in the ministry and that 
he should come. In the evening, however, Hosh informed 
me that Mirza was not coming to Hyderabad as he had warned 
him that if he came his life would be in danger. 

Ittehad circles were now seized with mortal fright, for 
they suspected that the Nizam had made up his mind to sign 



the Mountbatten drafts and to dismiss the Laik All Ministiy 
Plans for opposing this move were discussed and there was 
talk of setting up a parallel Government at Bidar Demorah 
sation was complete 

On the 4th the Nizam told Laik Ah that he had ruined 
him and the State On the same evening Laik Ah submitted 
his resignation 

By that tune the report of the resignation of General 
El Edroos had already spread to the ranks of the army 
The officers were divided m their loyalties Some were for 
supporting the Nizam even against the Razakars but the 
younger and recently promoted ones took a different view 

On August 5 the Nizam was highly jubilant over Laik 
Ah s resignation Zam arrived from New Delhi at 3 P M on 
tliat day and had a long talk with the Nizam, Laik Ah, Gene- 
ral El Edroos and Deen Yar Jung were present at the inter- 
view Zam met me later and expressed the hope that the 
deliberations regardmg the setting up of a new ministry would 
be contmued the next day Meanwhile, the Nizam had asked 
Laik Ah to carry on 

By the evening of tlie 5th complete panic had spread to 
the town and the Ittehad circles did not know what to do The 
Nizam had sent a telegram to Sir Mirza, who was at Delhi, to 
await Zams arrival 

Sir Mirza made a final effort to get the Nizam to take a 
decision He conve>ed definitely that he was not prepared 
to wait at Delhi any longer unless the Nizam sent a wire to 
Rajaji then Governor General of India, saying that he had 
signed the Mountbatten drafts There was no possibility of any 
more higglmg 

At 10-30 P M on the night of the 5th Laik Ah and Razvi 
sought an mterview with the Nizam Ala Hazrat went under 

On the morning of the 6th the Nizam was a different man 
‘Whatever happens’, he shouted I shall never sign the 
Mountbatten drafts' 

The crisis ivas over I^ik All had come out victonous It 
had perhaps been conveyed to the Nizam of course wth cere- 
monial politeness that m view of the atUtude of the military, 
the police and the Ittehad, they could not take the respon- 
sibility for his safety, if he signed the Mountbatten drafts. 



The Nizam had no one to turn to for independent advice nor 
had he left any one to implenent his wishes. 

Razvi also issued a public warning: “If any hands are raised 
against the State, they would be cut down; not only the han^, 
which are raised, but the hands that controlled them." (Italics 
ore mine). 

On the 0th, Laik Ali, firm in his seat once more, invited 
me to dine with him at Shah Manzil. His object in so doing 
was to convince me that all the stories about his resignation 
were unfounded. He impressed on me that Sir Mirza had no 
business to intervene in Hyderatad affairs and that the Nizam 
was very angry with him. I knew better, and told him so. 

With his charming air of injured innocence, he assured me 
that there were no differences between himself and the Nizam. 
When I referred to the Ittehad newspapers, both English, 
and Urdu, which had carried the news of his resignation, 
he said, *Ala Hazrat had made some critical remarks about me 
and I was willing to resign if he had no confidence in me. The 
next day, however, he told me that he had not Intended to 
e.xpi'ess any wane of confidence in me, so I did not press him 
to accept my resignation. Of course, I am willing to go at 
any moment.’ 

Then Laik All assumed one of his emotional attitudes. 
‘Unfortunately, I have not succeeded in making any "spiritual" 
contribution to the affairs of the State. But anyivay, we should 
avoid any conflict. I want you to help me.' 

I knew by experience that when Laik Ali began to ask me 
to help him, he had something up his sleeve. 

‘When you were negotiating with Lord Mountbatten, you 
asked me not to throw my weight against any settlement,’ 
1 replied. T kept my promise. I did nothing to obstruct the 
settlement; nor could I have done so even if I had wanted to. 
It was you who invited a break-down. Now my Government 
has no confidence in your liiiustry. Unless Nizam and 
his advisers do something in a big way, my Government will 
not repose confidence in you.’ 

I then pointed out to him that as long back as February, 
I had pressed upon him the necessity of disbanding the 
Razakars, but his reply had been that he wanted them as an 


instrument wherewith to resist Indiii’s demands The result 
was that the Ittehad had become a serious menace to the 
security of India 

Laik Ah repeated hiS usual claim that the atrocities of the 
Razakars were highly exaggerated 

‘You cannot eliminate the Razakars by persuasion,’ I 
said ‘They can only be liquidated by the strength of either 
the array or the police loyal to the Government As it is, in 
my opinion, your Ministry is not m a position to do this ' 

I suspected the purpose of that interview In the morn- 
ing Laik AU had told Pnnce Muazam Jah that he was meet- 
ing me that night to find a way out Ijaving bullied the Nizam 
into submission, he wanted to create an impression that he 
was negotiatmg a settlement While parting, I responded to 
his emotional talk by fn^dly advice 

‘Look here, Laik Alt,* I said, ‘you always say you have 
confidence in me You were once my chent What do you 
gain by this kind of attitude’ The agreement and the Ftrman, 
as approved by Lord Mountbatten, constituted the best settle- 
ment that you ever could hope to get you rejected it But 
remember, there are four crores of Muslims m this country 
If you, as the Nizam's Prune Mmister, could make it up and 
co-operate with the Government of India, you would solve 
India’s Hindu Muslim problem You would create a new State 
in Hyderabad, and I should not be surprised If, a few years 
hence, you were welcomed by Uie whole of India as a great 
Indian statesman Why don’t you accede on the three Central 
subjects and have done with all this’’ 

‘Mr Munshi, I cannot for the life of me reconcile myself 
with accession to India ’ 

'You should know that disastrous consequences would fol- 
low if you persist in your present couise ’ 

At that he suddenly looked up and said Mr Munshi, 
there is such a thing like sahadat, martyrdom ' 

I had no answer to this, but I knew this mood of his 
On the mommg of the lOth, Laik All pressed me to pay 
a courtesy Id visit to the Nizam, or to send him greetings I 
told him that in view of his studied discourtesy to me from 
the day I had arrived in Hyderabad, I would not care to offer 
unreciprocated greetings 



To be correct, however, I telephoned immediately ^ to, 
Sardar and, in accordance with his instructions, convey^ to 
Laik All that I was willing to see the Nizam o^y ^ he so 
desired. At the same time, I would not take the responsibility 
of offering him any kind of greeting, dther pei^nally or by 
a letter, as I felt that by doing so 1 should be likely to be 



T here were about eight hundred employees of the Govern- 
ment of India in Hyderabad Of these, about two hundred 
and twenty-five, who were non-Musli^ and non-Hydera- 
badis, were now m a state of panic. A deputation of their repre- 
sentatives demanded that they should be evacuated from Hyder- 
abad They were here, they said, to serve the Government; 
not to die for it The Post and Telegraph emplcyees went one 
better, they asked that their offices should be closed 

Reports had been received that the Nizam’s Government 
meant to take over the Post, Telegraph and Telephone commu- 
nications at no distant date The technical personnel were, 
therefore, afraid that in that eventuality they would be forced 
to operate the communication systems for the internal purposes 
of the State as against the Government of India 

In the meantime, the newly-formed committees of tho 
Razakars that had been ^ charge of the Hmdu locahties 
were given full powers to deal with the ‘enemy’ m any emer- 
gency Circulars were also issued calling upon the Razakars 
to wipe out all disloyal persons 

1 asked the employees of the Government of India not to 
be nervous and assured them that I would look after them. 
But their fears were not to be allayed The arrangement which 
I said I hoped to make was that no more than five plane-loads, 
of staff should remain on duty m Hyderabad and at the critical 
moment the planes would take them out of the State 

‘You %viU leave Hyderabad before a military conflict and 
we shall be left here to die,’ said the representatives of the 
employees ^ 

I gave them a solemn promise that I would not leave 
Hyderabad till every one of them had been evacuated ^This 
satisfied them I told Sardar about this promise and ^ed 
him to see that whatever happened, I should nc^ be placed, 
in a position when I could not keep my promise 

The care of these officials of the Government of India 
threw an anxious burden on me In the end, my choice fell on 


Meadows Barracks at Bolarum, a ^rt of fortified camp, which 
could conveniently accommodate about 300 men and I 
transferred my garrison engineers' office and the treasury there. 
The Company of the Kumaon Regiment, which formed my 
personal guard, was also transferred there. A few months' 
rations were brought from Poona and stored in the Barracks in 
case the occupants had to stand a siege. 

It was a tragic sight to see the demoralisation that had set 
in my personal staff. Two of the three police officers, one 
from each of the surrounding provinces, who were attached, 
to my office, came to me in tears and begged for permission 
to leave. Though I was thoroughly disgusted with their atti- 
tude and would have refused permission just to make them 
unhappy, 1 sent them away lest they might spread the rot 
among my staff. 

This was a timely warning and 1 began to skeletonize the' 
staff of my various offices. All its members were divided into 
groups, each group with a responsible head. The families of 
non-resident employees were sent away to their homes and 
superfluous staff was transferred elsewhere. 

1 sent my Private Secretary to Orissa, for he had little 
work to do in Bolarum. Major Singh took up his work, in 
addition to his own duties as A.D,C. but I asked him whether 
he also would like to leave. 

*My duty is to be here with you,’ replied the Icxyal Sikh. 
T shall be with you all the time.’ After this, the office work 
also fell on him. He acted as my Private Secretary, A,D.C. 
and, later, as my Secretary as well. The remaining police 
officer and my three personal assistants — Krishnaswami, Rama 
Rao and another — decided to stay on with me. 

Major Singh acquitted himself extraordinarily well in the 
discharge of the multiple duties which had devolved on him. 
He worked hard day and night, for, in addition to his other 
duties, he also supervised the Meadows Barracks and kept in. 
touch with all important contacts in Hyderabad. 

. I was very worried on account of the members of the staff: 
They had served the Government of India well Their courage- 
ous work during those days, as I wrote to the Sardar, required 
to be recognised in some way, if I was not present on the spot 
to urge their claimr 



As It turned out, ray apprehensions were not quite in- 

About this time W— an American correspondent 
whom I had known in New Delhi, arrived at Hyderabad He 
was one o£ those gushing, breeqr Americans who feel it to be 
their business to take chai^ of the aifairs of the whole world 
He was an extremely clever man, and when I had met him 
m Delhi, 1 had found that he had made a special study o! the 
personal life of the great and was ever willmg to give everyone 
the benefit of his study with juicy picturesqueness 

W — continued to meet me frequently, as also Laik Ah 
and Raxvi by turns Whenever he met me, he put his fore- 
finger on the button of my coat, and addressing me as 'K M ’, 
told me to do thi^ that or the other Anyway, he was an 
entertaimng visitor, in marked contrast with other foreign 
correspondents, and his visits were pleasant interludes. 

After August 15, I sent most of my personal papers and 
files to Bombay The official papers were despatched to the 
States Ministry later I also wrote letters biddmg good bye to 
my wife and children and sent them some diary notes 
under sealed cover to N M Bucb, the Joint Secretary of the 
States Ministry, with instructions to hand them over to my 
wife in case anything happened to me 

Avgoit 15, 1945 

In the morning I heard Ba;ajis voice on Uie radio 
Wrote a chapter of Deuol Devt 

We had forgotten to mvite the Nizam Pnnce of Berar, 
Prince Muazam Jah and Basalat Jah to the Independence 
Day party and so I wrote perainal letters which I sent by 
Smgh Of course they were not going to attend. Fixed 
the place where the flag salutation was to take place 
From 3 o’clock guests began to arrive At 4 25 P 51 
I went down and met General and Mrs Ei Edroos and 
others. We walked up to the flagstaff The flag was 
hoisted, Jana Gana Mana was sung by Gyankumari and 
others and the salute was taken About 500 joined us in 
the ceremony 

We then went Into the shamiana Ei Edroos, Mrs 
Edroos Deen Yar Jung and Ah Yavar Jung were there 



Most of the Hindu leaders had also, come. -Laik-Ali and 
Moin Nawaz came a little* later. 

In the meantime, the report was brought that some 
Congressmen while coming to the party were attacked by 
the Razakars in the train. Two of them who had received 
injuries were brought into the drawing room. > I went and 
met them. One of them was seriously, wounded and was 
bespattered with blood. Edroos, Deen ’Yar Jung and 
Fingle Reddy also came in and saw the wounded men.and 
made enquiries about them. W — , the American corres-. 
pondent, went on taking photographs. 

Naturally, the cheer had gone out of the party. ' Laik 
Ali and kloin Nawaz did not go inside the see the 
wounded, but they felt very small. Ganeriwal and seve- 
ral others surrounded Laik Ali and excitedly told him of 
the incident. I went and rescued him from the crowd. 

At night 1 received a telephone from Chandrachud 
saying that the Gaekwad would like to meet me imme- 
diately. I telephoned to Sardar. As he agreed; I decided 
to leave for Bombay the next day. 

Ansost 16, 1918 

Fonnalal came and saw me. He had seen the Nizam. 
There was nothing new; only the usual talk. I’ left' for 
Bombay at 2-30 P.M. and reached at about 5-20 P.M. on 
account of head winds. 

I must refer at the cost of digression, to the affairs 
of His Highness Fratap Singh Gaekwad, then the Maharaja of 
Baroda State. Coming as I dJd Irom the' Baroda College, I 
had been looked upon by his grandfather, Sayaji Rao Gaekwad, 
as a prize boy of his College. When Fratap Singh had got into 
difliculties after his marriage with Sita Devi, his second wife, 
he had requested me to help him in certain matters. 

Good-natured, easy-going, interested only in horses and 
completely dominated by Sila Devi, he was going through this 
period, critical both for him ami the country, .with-babylike 
innocence. Whatever the advice given, he would .sign any 
Idler which any of his henchmen supported by Sita Devi placed 
before him. 

I will deal with the part that I played in the integration of 
Baroda, elsewhere. On this occa.«?lon. I spent the IGth and 

D£M0RAL15AT/0I/ Iff Ot/R CAMP ig^ 

I7th m Bombay, helping the Gaekwad to straighten out his 
chronic difficulties with Sardar 

My notes for the 17th of August, other than those re- 
lating to the Gaekwad, run as follows — 

Spent the best part of the day m finalising the budget 
of the Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan 

In the evening saw Sarala {my daughter) in the hos- 
pitaL Mummy is not well herself She is a plucly girt 
She knows that the situation in Hyderabad may become 
critical but puts on a bold face We had mce time 

August 18. 1948 

Returned to Bolarum at about 10 40 P M The Post 
and Telegraph employees were reported to be very an- 
saous, and were going to wait upon me m a deputation 
The way that the States Mmistry kept me and my office 
in the dark about the happenings was veiy oppressive 
Buch said he was going to Rajkot So I rang up H M 
Patel He told me that it would be difficult to carry out 
my ideas about the evacuation of these employees and 
stated that I should wait for the final reply till the end of 
this week-end. 

Ganenwal came at night He had an interview with 
Laik All As usual, Laik Ah had asked him to come to bis 
rescue by produung a fotmula on the footing of 50 50 
Hmdu-Muslim ratio I cannot but admire the tenacity 
with which he has gone on repeating the same formula 
for the last nine months to every Hmdu 

To-night Singh told me that if we were arrested, 
Nanda and Iyengar, mihtary and civil mtelligence officers, 
would be m difficulties They might not receive diplo- 
matic immunity on account of the work that they had been 
doing This was a serious matter and I immediately call 
ed a conference Raju urged upon me that Major Nanda 
and Iyengar should be sent on leave forthwith I had no 
objection to the course suggested but I warned them of 
the consequences of their leaving iheir posts at this criti 
cal tune and the effect it would have upon their future 
career I told them however that if they felt like going, 

I would consult their chiefs and send them out on some 
duty outside in a few days. 

August 19, 1918 

Nanda and Iyengar came to me and told me that th^r 
had thought over the matter and that th^ would prefer 
to stay. ‘I was very glad' I told them; ‘If you feel weak I 
vrtll provide for your leaving; but, as a friend, I would 
like you to stick to your post, and build tip n tradition for 
future India. We cannot take a merely personal view of 
such a situation.’ 

I then contacted Sanjeevi (the Director of Intelli- 
gence) and told him my point of view. He bad however 
no objection to Iyengar going on duty to Bangalore. 
General Rajendrasinhji asked me on the telephone to give 
facilities to Mrs. El Edroos to go to Poona. In the course 
of our conversation 1 mentioned to him the position of 
Nanda. He approved of my idea of sending Nanda to 
Bombay If I thought proper. 

Talked to Sardar on phone. Told him about the dlffi* 
cullies about the Post and Tel^aph employees." He pro- 
mised to send a reply in a day or two. 

At 1 P.M. a letter was received from Moia Nawaz' with 
an enclosure, being a letter from Laik All to Panditj4 con- 
veying the decision of the Nizam’s Government to go to 
the United Nations Organisation. 1 immediately sent a 
wireless to Panditjl and Sardar. The Nizam’s Govern- 
ment has scored a diplomatic triumph. Zaheer Ahmed is 
going to England to file the application with the U.N.O. 
this evening. 

Earlier, I telephoned to Durgadas. My- article was 
well received; he says my reputation is standing high in 
Delhi. He told me about the Ministers of State. 
Rumours about the death of Jinnah are also aSoat (in 
Delhi). ■ , , . 

N. K. Rao and Pandit Narendraji came. I impressed 
upon them the necessity of removing the suspension order 
against some of the leading Congressmen. 

Telephoned to Sir Mirza. The Nizam had written to 
him on. the authority of Laik AU that I had disapproved 



of his action (m going to Delhi) Laik Ah is a wonderful 
man at telling lies 

Joshi came m the evenmg He liad also seen t-nitf 
Alt The same old story tiSik Ah had told him to find 
a way out 

Iyengar came and told me that he had had a talk with 

Auiust 20, 194a 

Nanda saw me in the morning and said he had decided 
to stay here tlU the end Even 1 congratulated him on his 
decision I told him that if the situation became danger- 
ous It was our duty to stick to our post 

The States Ministry does not take us into confidence, 
naturally because these are secret movements 

We look like a few desperate men holding on to a 
forlorn post Possibly, the p^chological pressure on the 
staS 15 greats on account of the tension m the city The 
whole lot, however, is brave 

Met Raja of Wanaparty and Raja Mebboob Karan 
(the Secreta^ of the Pnnce of Berar) 

W — had dinner with me He is out on a hUle poli- 
tical venture of his own. He has become friendly with 
Laik Ah, El Edroos, Kasim Razvi and me He has been 
induced to believe that if there is mihtary action, the 
Razakars will jom the Commumsts and their influence m 
the South wiU uicreasc. This Commumstic bogey has 
more or less thrown hun into antagonism to us He ap- 
pealed to me to puli oil a diplomatic triumph by organi 
sing a new party in Hyderabad headed by some ilushms. 
There was also a kind of threat m what he said If India 
goes to U N 0 for Kashmir, Hyderabad and for the Nagas 
in Assam, the support of the world will be withdrawn from 
India. He has collected some Communist papem which he 
proposes to send me by Major Singh. 

Iyengar has decided to stay here He is a religious- 
mmded tn.^n. We had discussions on God, Yor;a and vari- 
ous other matters. 

In the afternoon sent a telegram to Rajaji at Banga- 
lore Also had a telephone talk with Gopalswami Iyengar 

whether, reference by the Nizam’s Government to.U.N.O. is 
going to make any change in our programme.', lie said ‘no'. 

About this time it %vas reported . to me .^that . Sir. .Walter 
Itlonckton had advised Laik AU* that a reference , should be 
made to the United Nations Organisation as'/itSvbuld delay 
miiitary action but without denouncing the' Standstill Agree- 
ment. It was likely, the U.N.O. might get India' to' accept the 
modifications to the rejected Mountbatten . drafts. On the 
other hand, if the U.N.O. rejected the appeal,' then Hyderabad 
could accept the drafts. But if the Standstill .Agreement was 
denounced, India might march into Hyderabad^ at 'once and 
present the world with a fait accompli. ' ' *■ • •• 

Another view report^ to me was said to be backed by 
Pakistan. U.N.O. would not entertain, any appeal unless the 
Standstill Agreement was denounced and the technic^' question 
was resolved. Pakistan could then help considerably as it 
would be an international issue. In this way military inter- 
vention by India' might be delayed and if she did take any such 
action, it would cost her international prestige! 

Frantic efforts were also being made to send emissaries 
by Sydney Cotton planes to the kings of Hejaz, Trans-Jordan, 
and Egypt. 



IJIHB diaiy notes ran 

August 21, 1948 

Had a telephone talk with Sardar with reference to a 
telegram presumably from 2aheer Ahmed, advising 
against reference to (f H O as well as against ‘surgical ope- 
rations' which must mean the denouncement of the Stand- 
still Agreement Sardar is against closing the Post and 
Telegrai^ offices for the present and asked me to send 
aivay those persons who felt weak, gradually 

1 sent a wire to Bishop Whxtekar about the alleged 
complaints that medical facilities were not bemg received 
by the mission In fact, Edwards who took away (the) 
facUity orders for brmgmg medicmes into Hyderabad, 
curiously enough, did not bring therm Now Bishop Whitc- 
kar has started complaining to foreign correspondents (as 
if the fault was ours) 

I contacted the Bishop and he wrote a nice letter of 
apology saying that it was due to a mistake of Edwards, 
not mme, that the medicmes were not brought into 

Bhoot and a contractor whcan wc called MAZ met me 
A relative of the contractor, Zul Qadar Jung, a Nawab and 
an old officer of the Nizam, ivantcd to see me It seems he 
had a tnlt? with the Nizam, who, accordmg to the report, 
was very much perturbed, and had lost his nerve He was 
playing into the hands of Laik AU^ said MAZ 

Phoned to Sardar, Satyanarayan Sinha and G D 
Birla Everyone seems to agree that the application to 
U N O IS not going to make any difference to the pro- 
gramme The rains seem to bo coming in the way 

Felt a little feverish. 

Gancnwal came and discussed the possibility of start- 
ing a Muslim party As usual, he brought stones from 

TUB end of an bra 


the Nizam’s palace. Heard that Rajaji has witten a letter 
[to the Nizam. Mudaliar has also written to Laik AIL 

Sheobullah Khan, the brave young e^tor of the Imroze, 
an anti-Razakar Urdu paper, criticised Razvi fearlessly and 
was a signatory to the statement issued by Manzur Jung 
and his friends. Razvi, as 1 mentioned, was wroth at this 
statement. He had given a solemn warning that ‘if hands 
were raised in the State, they wouki be cut down' — those ‘hands 
and the hands coatrolUng them/ presumably the Nizam’s. 

August 22, 1942 

'The editor of the Imrazc, Sheobullah, has been shot 
down and his hands cut off. His brother-in-law is also 
seriously wounded. The Ittehads are liquidating their 
enemies in true Fascist style. 

Manzur Jung and Akbar Ah are-both-arrested and 
sent to gaol. (This report was later found to be incorrect.) 
This will dispose of all possible Muslim opposition to the 
present regime. 

The Muslim editors of the anti-Ittehad Urdu papers 
are threatened by letters and phone messages that the 
fate of the editor of the- Jmroze would overtake them if 
they supported anti-Hyderabad propaganda. A round up 
of the Congressmen who are likely to oppose the decision 
to go to U.N.O. is also expected. 

Nawab Zul Qader Jung came to lunch. MAZ, his re- 
lative, got him invited. He appears to be one of the ablest 
and most clear-headed men that I have met in Hyderabad. 
It was clear that he came to talk business on. behalf of the 
Nizam or, perhaps, Deen Yar Jung, He wanted to know 
whether the Asaffa Dynasty would be perpetuated and the 
privileged position of the Muslims maintained in Hyder- 
abad, if it acceded. He also discussed ways and means 
by which the present ministry could’ be replaced. 

AacuBt 23.1942 

A contractor came and informed me Ih^t -Dakshina 
Sadan was being watched. He also told me of a meeting 
held in a mosque in Bolarum about the 16th where it was 
announced that’ the Razakar headquarters had offered a 
prize of Rs. 5,000/-- to anyone who would dispose of me. 



Chandy, a PoUce Officer of Mysore State, brought 
a letter from Has Majesty and C B for the Nazain. It was 
just a letter of pious hope In the evening I learnt that 
the Nizam had sent an equally pious reply to C R He 
also sent a letter to Monckton 

The correspondent of Picture Post came to lunch and 
had discussions with me 

Pannaial came and reported that after the assassi- 
nation of Sheobullah, All Yavar and others were not keen 
on working for a change m the ministry 

I was fed up with Pevat Vein So spent the time in 
dictatmg letters and reading newspapers 

Ganenwal came m the evening He had seen Been 
My surmise was correct that Zu) Qadar had come to talk 
for Deen. Ganenwal also went and saw Zul Qadar, who 
said that he was considerably impressed with my talk, 
that he was also seeing the Nizam. Possibly, they might 
estabhsh contact with me in a day or two 

At night, thought of Mummy all the time. Slept 
rather late 

Fast midmght, at about 2 o’clock, the sentries sus- 
pected that some people were crawling along the com- 
pound wall Alarm was sounded The men ran away and 
nothmg happened At 4 o clock everything was quiet 

August 24, 194S 

Raju and Iyengar placed before me the result of their 
investigations into the matter of Rs 5 000/- prize on my 
head Considered whether it was advisable to mfonn the 
States Ministry I hesitated because I felt that it might 
be taken as my bdng in pamc Raju, however, felt that 
his investigation showed that the report was reliable and 
It would not be nght to keep the States Ministry unin- 

J WA? perturbed about Ganenwal butting 

into Zul Quadar’s eflorts He belongs to the rival camp, 
and his attempt to contact Deen and Zul Qadar might 
prove very unfortunate. 

Pathak’s telegram thanking me for yhat I did for the 
Gaekwad The leader in the free Press, ca my doing 



the Nizam’s palace. Heard that Rajaji has ^vritten a letter 
ito the Nizam. Mudallar has also written to Laik All. 

SheobuUah Khan, the brave young editor of the Imroze, 
an anti-Razakar Urdu paper, criticised Razvi fearlessly and 
was a signatory to the statement issued by Manzur JUng 
and his friends. Razvi, as I mentioned, was wroth at. this 
statement He had given a solemn warning that ‘if hands 
were raised in the State, they would be cut down’ — those ‘hands 
and the hands controlling them,' presumably the Nizam’s. 

.%urust 22, 1911 

'The editor of the Imroze, SheobuUah, lias been shot 
down and his hands cut off. His brother-in-law is also 
seriously wounded. The Ittehads ' are' liquidating their 
enemies in true Fascist style. 

Manzur Jung and Akbar Ali are ’both •arrested and 
sent to gaol. (This report was later found to be incorrect.) 
This wiU dispose of all possUjIe Muslim opposition to the 
present regime. 

The Mu sl i m editors of the anti-Ittehad Urdu papers 
are threatened by letters and phone messages* that the 
fate of the editor of the Imroze would overtake them if 
they supported anti-Hyderabad propaganda. ’A round up 
of the Congressmen who are likely to oppose the decision 
to go to U.N.O. is also expected. 

Nawab 2ul Qader Jung came to lunch. LIAZ, his re- 
lative, got him invited. He appears to be one of the ablest 

most clear-headed men that I have met in Hyderabad. 
It was clear that he came to talk business on behalf of the 
Nizam or, perhaps, Been Yar Jung. He wanted to-know 
whe^er the Asalia Dynasty would be perpetuated and the 
position of the MusUms maintained in Hyder- 
abad, if it acceded. He also discussed ways and means 
by which the present ministry could be replaced.' 

Aatut 23, 1948 

A cont^tor came and informed me that- Oo&sAina 
was being watched. He also told me of a meeUng 
neid in a mosque in Bolarum about the 16th where it was 
a^ounc^ Iha^e Razakar headquarters had offered a 
prize otRs. 5.000/- to any one who would dispose of me. 



be contacting the Nizam’s circle Thmgs are expected to 
develop in four or five days 

Had Raja of Rampet for dinner An Anglicised old 
aristocrat, he does not know what to do He is waiting 
for the Union to save Hyderabad 

Had a telephone talk with Mummy She is getting 
very nervous I hope the story of the pnce on my head 
does not reach her 

Had a talk with Buch He told me that the report 
about the prince on my head should be sent to the States 
Ministry He assured me that there would be no mis- 
Augast is, 2948 

Could not write Dewtl Devt Imagination has run 
diy \V — came and, as usual, we had a roving discussion 
Razvi has won him over His mind is obsessed with the 
Commumsts and he thmks of pulhng off a diplomatic 
triumph personally by inducmg Razvi to break with them, 
by gettmg all able bodied Razakars enlisted in the army, 
and by making the Government of India conscious of the 
dangers of Communism if a military conflict took place 
In this way he wants to achieve an American victory over 
the Communist forces He thinks it to be a great personal 
adventure Laik All and Razvi have been veiy hospitable 
to him and played upon his vanity so that he may be their 
friend m America These globe-trotting conespondents 
are a great world institution who exercise quite a lot of 
influence over men and affairs 

Prof Hadi Hasan came to lunch, he is Habib’s great 
friend and an extraoidlnanly charming man He claims to 
have collected 47 lakhs of rupees single-handed for a me- 
dical college at the Aligarh University His conversation 
is full of witty monologues, and he can turn out a compli 
ment m the style of a Persian poet He is very unhappy 
at the affairs in Hyderabad, of which he is fond Ho 
wouldn’t mind, he says, If he had a place here to live 
f ' when India settles Hyderabad’s affairs. He Is a student of 
Persian poets, also recited portions of his Persian trans- 
lation of Shakuntala. He is coming to lunch agam on the 

N I< Rao was here Nothing much 


work without taking’ any remuneration, is reproduced in 
the Meezan. Some people are hard to please. 

Wrote Deval Devi. For the moment, the mood is gone. 

Reports received about the atrocities at Udgir. 

Raja of Wanaparty came. Lailr Ali' wants to send 
him to England as he has found a place for him in Oxford 
University. He formally applied to me for passport and 
exchange. I told him Uiat I was not inclined to oblige 
Laik Ali. 

Discussed with Captain Ramichand and Major Singh 
about the disposition of the guards. Rearrangements are 
being made. 

Transmitted Menon's reply to Laik Ali. It is extra- 
ordinarily well drafted. 

Met Prof. Quadri whom Moin Nawaz had sent to help 
me with the novel. We had discussions on Amir Khusrau, 
Deval Devi, Malik Kafur and other matters. 

MAZ met me. He gave me some very important in- 
formation. I told him about Ganeriwal. He also com- 
plained of G.'s intermeddling. 

The report of MAZ was: Deen Yar Jung who is per- 
sonally loyal to the Nizam, has his own ambition to dis- 
place Laik Ali, who appears to be taking orders from 
Jinnah. The final Mountbatten negotiations fell through 
because Jin^h did not want Laik Ali to settle with India. 
In connection with this an earlier incident was cited. 
When Laik Ali wanted the advice of Jinnah, the latter 
sent back a message that he would not give advice unless 
they were prepared to accept it impUcitly. Laik Ali con- 
v^ed to him at the time that they would carry out his 
oraers. The Nizam's immediate circles have come to feel 
hat Laik Ali in taking orders from Jinnah, is acting 
agamst the interest of the State. 

Razvi also has a grouse against Laik Ali. He does 
not want to accept the advice of El Edroos regarding the 
m activities. Some talks are going on between 
ueens group and Razvi’s, There is also an anti-Razvi 
group m the CouncU of the Ittehad; it is very sore and is 
perturb^ at the assassination bf SheobuU'ah Khan. There 
are distinct signs bf discontent and they are expected to 



led. Nizam said that it was difficult for him to invite me 
but if I called once or twice, things would be easier. 

Zui Qadar also told the Nizam about Laik Ah acting 
under the directions of Pakistan Nizam kept quiet and 
did not make any comments Evidently the old man is 
trying to keep as many threads of intrigue m his hands as 
possible Zul Qadar sent word that I should, on some pre- 
text or the other, make an attempt to meet the Nizam 
I replied that it was not possible for me to do so 

Telephoned the advice to Sardar who instructed me 
not to see the Nizam If he wanted me, be should send 
for me, he said I conveyed the message to Zul Qadar 
Dr Hadi Hasan had lunch with me 
Italia came to me to explain that his reported mtei- 
view m the Meezen (hat he was against accession, was 
faked by the newspaper Shaslii reported to me the speech 
of Razvi which he had delivered at a secret session of the 
Ittehad working committee He also gave me the details 
of the liaison between the Pakistan Government and the 
Nizam's Government He said that Razvi was now mere* 
ly an iiuirument of Laik Ali and that Laik Ah for the 
moment is an instrument of Pakistan He also told me 
that Ghulam Rasool claimed that he had had direct con- 
tacts with V P during the different stages of the 

We held a staff dinner as Raju and Venkatavardhan 
are proceeding on leave tomorrow 

Had report from ‘Sound Silent’ Very important 

About this time a highly placed officer in the Nizam's Army 
— ivhom ive referred to as ‘Sound Silent’ — had been in contact 
with us for some time He also saw me once or twice 
At my request the officer had prepared an exhaustive report 
on the strength and disposition of the Hyderabad Armed 
2 am sure, wa? gjesiij' apprerjateti by our 
military authorities 

Ausrust ii, lats 

Have bent a wireless to Sardar pressing for early 
military action, if not, at least for the complete sealing off 
of Hyderabad 




Aiiffust 26, 1948 

S. SI. Razvi and 7-^m Yar have come on the_ 24th 
evening summoned by hiaik Ali. The object of ^eir visit 
is kept a secret 

The Nizam sent a telegram to Rajaji to intervene. 
He has made a technique of asking people- to intervene 
without moving an inch himself. The Nizam also filed an 
appeal before U.N.O., which means that for the' moment 
nothing will be done. 

Dhoot was here in the afternoon. 

August 28, 1948 

SIAZ saw me. He reported to me Zul Qadar's conver- 
sation with Deen and Razvi, both of whom are' trying to 
combine against laik AIL ' 

It appears that S. M. Razvi came with some letters 
from New Delhi; that a letter of the Government of India 
was placed before the Cabinet and a reply was sent setting 
out the charges against the Government of India. S. M. 
Razvi also appears to have brought some important pro* 
posals, but Laik All told him that he should put it in writ- 
ing and send it to him formally. _ ; 

Eyes were bad. N. K. Rao brought a Sanskrit Pandit 
who read a few verses frwn the Bhagvat. Took cholera 
vaccine, talked to Buch. Had fever at night. 

Aurust 30, 1948 

The mystery of the two phones, one from Sardar and 
the other from Menon, remains unexplained. It points 
to some significant message having been sent, presumably 
through Zain. There is no sign of it here. ' ' 

Zul Qadar met the Nizam yeste^y and had a two 
hours’ talk- • The Nizam asked him to report his conversa- 
tion with me- and his impressions. Zul Qadar gave the 
report and advised him to meet me.' Nizam complained to 
him that I did not meet him every month as the Residents 
us^ to do. He also gave Zul Qadar the reports which 
Laik All had given hint about me, all of which were garl>- 



went to him recently and referred to his wealth. 'Wealth, 
wealth! I am a very poor man,' he said 

September 1, 1918: 

W — came and met me He was very sore. They 
would not allow him to photograph the Nizam. His 
nerves are shattered All along he was being piloted 
to places where everything was nice On Wednesday 
evening, however, he went to a village which was bemg 
looted and burnt by some army men and Razakars He 
was so thoroughly upset at the sight that he is now very 
bitter against the Hyderabad Government They also 
wanted to get rid of hun from here. They found that he 
was too political-minded 

Douglas Broivn of the Daily Telegraph, and Potter of 
the Daily Express came and met me We had a two hours’ 
talk 1 e.'cplained the whole situation from our point of 
view. But It was clear that Brown was against India. 
On one or two occasions he assumed a bit of a bullying 
attitude. They thought that I bad stopped the photo< 
graphs taken by the TIME and LIFE correspondents from 
leaving India 

Hyderabad manages to have a first-class international 

September 2, 1948 1 

Nizam is very much perturbed. . . . 

Nizam IS carrying on correspondence with Sir Mirza, 
and Been does not appear to be happy with Laik All or 
El Edroos. 

Received a letter from Snpat Rao, President of the 
Legislative Assembly, inviting me to the opening Address 
of the Legislative Assembly and an At Home thereafter. 

I decided not to go 

The monotony of writing Deval Devi has spoiled the 
even tenor of the story. The whole thing will have to be 
re-wntten After I finish Deval Dem I shall re-wmte it 
at one stretch in one week As I told Mummy, I look 
like 'Sita m Ashok Vana,’ in a beautiful garden all by 



The Nizam’s Legislative Assembly started yesterday 
with all the pageantry of an independent parliament. 

Sohrab Modi sent a telegram inviting me to the pre- 
7niere of a film version of my Prithvi Vallabh. Telephon- 
ed to him to fix up a special chartered flight for my going 
to Bombay on Friday. 

Heard Sardar’s brilliant replies in Parliament on the 
radio. He said early action would be taken against 
Hyderabad. When asked whether facilities would be 
given for the Hyderabad Delegates to go to U.N.O. he said 
‘Yes, just in the same way as we would give facilities to 
the Zamindars of Madras to go to U.N.O. for the Zamindari 

Sardar telephoned to me, evidently to assure himself 
that I had heard his answers. He told me not to go to 
Bombay even for two days. Things are evidently moving 
very fast. 

Telephoned to H. M. Patel about certain goods lying 
at the Secunderabad Station. He is going to issue neces- 
sary orders regularising our taking delivery of these goods. 

Rajaji’s letter which was received by wireless was 
sent to the Nizam. It guarantees the position of the 
Nizam but demands the two points of Sir Mirza Ismail, 
viz. banning of the Razakars and the re-posting of the 
Indian Army at Secunderabad. Nizam will never be per- 
mitted to do so. 

Completed the whole month by dhyana and japa. This 
time, apart from the usual effect of controlling my restless- 
ness, the dhyana had had an effect both on my sleep and 
digestion. During the last month, recited the Xllth 
adhyaya of the Gita, particularly on the aspect of shanti. 

Heard a rich 'Nizam’ story which may go in with the 
others. The Resident used to meet him once a month. 
Once he gave the Resident 2 P.M. as the time for his 
interview. The then Prime Minister suggested that 
2 P.M. is rather an awkward time, and it would be much 
jitter if 4 P.M. was fixed. ‘Oh, no!’ said the Nizam. 
That would involve the worry of giving him tea.' 

The report is that he has given eight crores-worth of 
sUver to the State recently, and his gold and other valu- 
ables have been taken to the Bank of England. Someone 



I re-captured the first flush with which 1 read it m 1902. 
Tearj, were m my eyes 

Qamir Hamidi, who was released from jail, came with 
his uncle and garlanded me 

Claude Scott has mstructed Desmond Young to carry 
on propaganda in England and France Our case is going 
by default 

Sardar telephoned at night Talked to Sir M He 
IS writing one of his strong letters to the Nizam Nothing 
however will energise the 

September 4, 1949. 

Very much perturbed over the excellent international 
propaganda which Hyderabad is conductmg 

Tired ol Deval Devt i?ead Skskuntala Had a 

September 5, 1918 . 

Laik All's speech delivered yesterday is a declaration 
of Independence Though couched m polite terms there 
IS a note of defiance throughout Evidently, he is smart- 
ing under Sardar's comparison of the Hyderabad delega- 
tion with the Zamindars of Itladras 

In the evening, sent the (Nizam’s) reply to Kajap by 
wireless How wonderful* ‘There is no internal insecu- 
rity in Hyderabad, border mcldents are mainly created by 
India Mirza does not know Hyderabad, the ungrateful- 
ness of it* ‘Army will not be allowed to be posted m 
Hyderabad in any event Cannot act behind the back of 
my Cabinet’ 

Sardar's telephone Announcement of the Kashmir 
Commission is expected Decision will be taken there- 

Mummy left for Delhi 
September 6, 1948 . 

MAZ saw me m the mommg, Zul Qadar has not 
succeeded in his efforts Deen is not as strong as before 

The Hyderabad Delegation for the United Nations 
Organisation, headed by Mom Nawaz, is leaving by Sydney 
Cotton plane 



Informed Sardar about developments. Talked to 

Brown of the Daily Telegraph has sent a most vicious 
telegram about the situation comparing India with Nazi 
Germany, me with Ribbentrop and Hyderabad as the 
happy land of peace. He did not state the important fact 
that foreign correspondents are treated lavishly and are 
even provided with company to talk to 

Raja of Wanaparty came. He wants to go to England 
for some time. 

Had a talk with Buch. Suggested to him, as well as to 
Sardar, that Ramaswamy Mudaliar and Motilal Setalvad 
should be sent to U.N.O. for Hyderabad. B. N. Rao. he 
told me, had been asked not to return to India possibly 
because he might have to help in the Hyderabad matter. 

September S, 1948 : 

Raju’s telephone. Talked to Pulla Reddy. Talked to 
Morarji Desai about Dr. Hadl Hasan and Mrs. Edroos. I 
told him that courtsey required that Mrs. Edroos should 
treated. He was not willing to allow her to 
come, but ultimately agreed. 

I have given up dhyano; it was too much of a strain. I 
only carry on with swadhyaya. 

Read the summary of the historical novel. Eagle in the 
i>ky from Omnibook. Read Stillwell’s Diary 

to Mummy about 

mem. Mummy is overworking herself with Bhavan’s 

xf.fl and has fallen ill. I told 

Mummy to relieve her of the curator’s work. 

building in the rear of the Bhavan 
to Hv^in Pathashala boys have gone 

for e bungalow is now being used 

‘■as agreed to give a loan 
tor ““““y >’=s also collected some money 

now aoH ''"ll's'-i Col'sso is 

now, and will soon be occupied. 

sholwnto; Pondit came and started reading 

PreiZi eJ T ‘ -I y-i-s sgo in my 

Previous Class and as I went on analysing the sentences, 

AS THE HeT closes 


copy of the letter written by the Pleaders’ Protest Com- 
mittee There was ^citement the whole day 

Nizam sent a telegram to JRajaji making an appeal 'to 
accommodate Hyderabad’s point of view as indicated in 
last June’s discussion ’ 

At night, had a telephone talk with Sardar 

September 10, 1948 : 

Woke up early m the morning BOAC, coming to 
evacuate the Briti^ers, was flying over Dakshina Sadan 
Got up in excitement After all we were commg to grips, 
all my labour of these 9 months has not been m vain 

Tatachari came, then R S M Worked on the 
'Times of Ala ud-Dtn Khalji' 

Telephoned to Buch, also to Bharucha, about the 
transmitter, and to Lata m Sanskrit to convey a message 
to Mummy 

Gave orders to Sankaranarayanan about preparing a 
list ol OfRcers for evacuating (This was only to allay 
panic ) Evidently, Delhi doesn t want to evacuate us 
About 113 Britishers evacuated About 10 families 
went by tram Panic conlmues m the city A large 
number of troops are going to Kodada side 

At 7*30 P M received the reply of the Nizam's Govern 
ment refusing the demands of the Union Transmitted it 
to Delhi 

Brown’s message makes the most interesting reading 
11 15 PM Message from Raja;i for the Nucam — 
again appealing to him to accept his advice Enquired at 
King Kothi Nizam had gone to sleep 

On September 10, the Governor General replied to the 
Nizam’s letter that the Indian troops had been withdrawn as 
a gesture of trust when the Standstill Agreement was reached, 
that law and order had now completely broken down inside 
the Stste, that the ^iiaaxo’s Goyfimment had not been able to 
deal with either the Razakars or the Communists, that the 
Government of India could not therefore any longer be silent 
spectator simply maintammg Uie position on the border 

In reply to Rajaji's telegram of the 10th the Nizam still 
maintained that his troops were in a position to maintain law 



After Sardar’s cutting replies in Parliament, no other 
alternative was left to them. Cotton is here in Hyderabad 
for a few days, filushtaq Ali, Hyderabad A. G. in 
Pakistan, is reported to be also here with some air officers 
of Pakistan. Claude Scott has prepared a rejoinder to our 
White Paper. 

Ganesh Chaturtki. Went with Ramachari and Dhoot 
to Ganesh Utsava. 

September 7, 1948 : 

Panditji announced in Parliament the final demands 
made on the Nizam: (c) banning of the Razakars, and ib) 
reposting of army to Secunderabad. 

I received an official letter from V. P. Menon contain- 
ing the same terms as on the wireless. Sent it to Laik Ali 
at 3 P.M. Their legislature was adjourned. In the even- 
ing Pingle Venkataram Reddy read an official statement. 

At 4 P.M. the Nizam signed a mobilisation order. 

Later, another wireless from the Stales Ministry 
about the incident near Kodada. Indian Army men had 
been captured by some men of the Nizam’s Army and the 
Razakars. Sent a protest to Laik Ali at 9 P.M. 

September 8, 1948: 

Hdwards gave a statement to the Press about medi- 
cines. yd^abad is in a panic. Had no mind to write 
tlie novel. Telephone Ulk with Mummy. M — came 

'‘a.’Tt.T; "O' g™e. 

. p ^^•^^•^^J««iloSardaronthephone. Evacuation 
tomorrow, the 9th. The 
5 ofiicers and 

00 men captured by our army near Kodada. 

September 9, 1948 : 

received a wireless message from the 
TnjVuZTr “ from Army H. Q. Delhi, 

“ Laik AuTo corrtaeted Fry Wrote 

To ^e Earot ‘’■■“''“‘“'E for the plane which is 

to take Europeans out of Hyderabad. Things are moving 
Vinajakrao and the lawyers came and handed over a 



copy of the letter written by the Pleaders’ Protest Com- 
mittee. There was excitement the whole day 

Nizam sent a telegram to Rajaji making an appeal 'to 
accommodate Hyderabad’s point of view as indicated in 
last June’s discussion ’ 

At night, had a telephone talk with Sardar 

September 10, 1948 . 

Woke up early m the mommg BOAC, coming to 
evacuate the Britishers, was flymg over Dakshtna Sadan 
Got up m excitement After all we were coming to grips, 
all my labour of these 9 months has not been m vain. 

Tatachari came, then R S M Worked on. the 
‘Times of Ala-ud'Din Kkaljt’ 

Telephoned to Buch, also to Bharucha, about the 
transmitter, and to Lata m Sanskrit to convey a message 
to Mummy 

Gave orders to Sankaranarayanan about preparing a 
list of Officers for evacuating (This was only to allay 
panic ) Evidently, Delhi doesn t want to evacuate us 
About 113 Britishers evacuated About 10 families 
went by tram Panic conlmues in the city A large 
number of troops are going to Kodada side 

At Y 30 P M received the reply of the Nizam s Govern 
ment refusmg the demands of the Union Transmitted it 
to Delhi 

Brown’s message makes the most interesting reading 
11-15 P M Message from Rajaji for the Nizam — 
again appealing to him to accept his advice Enquired at 
King Kothi Nizam had gone to sleep 

On September 10 the Governor General replied to the 
Nizams letter that the Indian troops had been withdrawn as 
a gesture of trust when the Standstill Agreement was reached, 
that law and order had now completely broken down inside 
the State, that the Nizam's Government bad not been able to 
deal with either the Razakars or the Communists, that the 
Government of India could not therefore any longer be silent 
spectator simply maintaining the position on the border 

In reply to Rajaji’s telegram of the 10th, the Nizam still 
maintained that his troops were m a position to maintain law 



and oi-der. Apart from the legal and moral side of the issu^ 
the Nizam said, the proposal to bring the Indian Army would 
create an unprecedented upheavaL 

Message of Rajaji for the Nizam was delivered at 7-15 
A.M. by Major Singh. York plane came again to evacuate 
Britishers. In all. about 200 left. Britishers in the army 
declined to evacuate and decided to act in civilian jobs. 
Camouflage. They are paid so well that they do not want 
to go. A plane for American evacuees left with W — and 
his dog] It is reported that King Faroulc has agreed to 
help Hyderabad. I wonder whether it is true. 

Lunch with Pannalal. Telephoned to Buch. 

Nizam has again sent a telegram to His Majesty. 
He is a great fellow... 

In the evening the reporters met me. Had a quiet 

Menon’s oflicial message delivering ultimatum sent to 
the Nizam at 7-30 P.M. 

Telephone talk with Sardar. Evidently, our army 
Is going to bo here. Raju, Venkatavardhan and Ram- 
slngh have already gone on leave. Y — has bolted. An- 
noyed with him . . . Talked to Buch about him. 

Telephone talk with Mummy. She wanted to come 
to Hyderabad, but I asked her not to. She met Rajaji, 
Sardar, Mrs. Pandit and the rest of them at New Delhi. 

Earlier in the morning telephoned to M. P. Amin for 
securing about Rs. 40,000 donation for the Bhavan. 

A report that a Pakistan plane was coming. Inform- 
ed Delhi and Poona. Evidently, it was a fake plane. 

On the night of the 10th, Moin Nawaz Jung, the genius 
who wrought this catastrophe for Hyderabad, left by a Sydney 
Colton plane to lead the Hyderabad Delegation to the Security 
CounciL He took his family and all his belongings with 
him in the plane. Perhaps he foresaw, or rather knew, that 
his dreams liad crumbled and both the State of Hyderabad and 
the Nizam’s ambitions were buried under their ruins. 



O N the morning of September 12 , 1 had a talk with Sardar 
on the telephone He just hinted that things were mov- 
ing 'The bullock cart must some tune or the other come 
out of the rut,’ he said, using the Gujaiati idiom 

The news of Jinnah's death was broadcast on the radio 
My mind naturally went back to the very friendly relations that 
had existed between us at one time I thought of his leadership 
of the Home Rule League Movement, of my leaving the Con- 
gress with him of how I had worked under him when he 
wanted to found an independent party, of how we had parted 
of how he had frustrated the national destiny of India of how 
cleverly he had cicatod Pakistan by playing upon British and 
Hindu weakness 

Slajor Singh, as usual, went the round of Meadow’s Bar- 
racks Ho leported that everything was In order In the 
evening some friends brought the report that Razvi’s camp 
was greatly excited Shastri came and told me of the orders 
he had issued The Indian Army, he had said, was expected to 
march into Hyderabad on the 15(h and the Razakars had been 
given orders to blow up the bridges before it came The 'Pea- 
cock Airborne Division' had also figured largely tn Razvi's Talk 
I heard a report that Hyderabad had been mined for miles 
to prevent the Indian Army from coming in 

In response to an invitation which surprised me not a 
little, I went to dine with Laik Alt We first talked of Jmnah 
and I spoke of my old relations with him Laik Ah was, of 
course, an ardent adherent of his 

Laik Ah then asked me to leave Hyderabad before any- 
ihisg happeiied ‘yewr jireseijce would embarxass us consi- 
derably/ he said Tf you like, I will place an aeroplane at 
your disposal' 

‘Thank you, Laik Ah,' I said ‘Whatever happens, my 
place is m Hyderabad and I am going to be here ’ 

Then we came to an arrangement that should there be any 
conflict — ^Laik Ah did not mcpect it for two more days — the 



employees of the Government of India would be kept interned 
In Meadows Barracks. With regard to myself and my per- 
sonal staff, I told him that I should be willing to stay wherever 
he wished. 

Laik All was evidently unhappy. While parting— and 
somehow I felt that this was to be our last meeting on the 
footing which we then occupied — I made a final appeal, even 
though I knew that it was not likely to create any impression. 

‘Laik Ali, why do you risk all these thinks?’ I* asked. 
'Don’t you think tlie risks are great enough for you to make 
a good bargain? Even now if you are in the mood, you can 
do a lot. You are a sensible man. I have never been able to 
understand your attitude.' 

■Never, never, will I let Hyderabad go with India,' he 
replied and he repeated his favourite phrase. ‘There is such 
a thing as sahadat (martyrdom)’. 

On the morning of the 13lh, the radio brought the news 
that our troops had entered the Hyderabad territory. We all 
bteUrred ourselves. We collected all the important papers, put 
mem In bath tubs, poured petroleum on and set fire to them. 

Immediately the post, telegraph and telephone controls 
were alerted and asked to keep me acquainted with whatever 
happened. Arrangements had already been made to dislocate 
the telegraph and telephone control-room In case the Hyder- 
abad forces tried to take possession of them. 

'“sethcr a tew of Ihe things which I wanted to take 
i.iUll Sardar and my wife of the situation 

th<» Every few minutes, Krishnaswami, who was on 

The min happening. 

‘elephone control-room were panicky 
and wanted onlers to put the control out of order. 

to amrnlf lotiy-loads of Itazakars were passing 

wc^mnl^.T ''’““UnB warlike slogans, brandishing 

defiSce. ‘‘'““"S ‘heir lances at the Daksliina Sadan in 

my mll!d;— ■ '^“^hna’s words continued to rise in 

When a jogl 

SatUfied wUh all that happens, hU soul fully mastered. 


His mind on his task bent 

Surrenders both his mind and his perception to Me, 

He is dear to Me indeed 

A little after twelve we had a huiried lunch 
About 2 PJI two officers of the Nizam's Government 
came with a letter from Laik Ah which referred to our con- 
tersation of the previous night In accordance with the ar- 
rangements we had made then, he desired that my personal 
guards should hand over their arms to the officers and station 
themselves mside Meadows Barracks which were also to be 
placed in charge of the officers Then he added — 

1 do not know what your own programme is going to be 
In case you would like to fly back ive shall provide every 
facility for your journey In the interests of your own safety 
I would ask you to remove with your personal staff to Green- 
lands, the guest house so that we may be able to discharge 
the duties of protecting you satisfactorily 
The two officers who had brought the letters had no clear 
instructions I, therefore, told them to accompany Major Singh 
to Laik All in order to get their doubts cleared 

Soon after the control room told me that there was 
some movement of troops in the vicinity I at once put one 
call through to my wife and again bade her good bye, and an- 
other to Sardar to bid him good bye and to tell him that within 
a few minutes the telephone would be out of action 
Immediately came Menon’s call 

‘Hello Munshi’’ said he in his cheerful voice. ^Dont 
worry My Government have asked me to tell you that you 
need not worry They have got full confidence in you and 
they will support you in whatever you do ’ 

The line broke, the telephone went dead I could not 
help laughing heartily at this message, for at the moment the 
Dakshtna Sedan was being raided 

Brigadier Habib of the Nizam s army rushed into 
Oakshina Sedan with four or five lorry loads of soldiers with 
fly ed bayoDets As tbey rushed uv the Kumaon Company- 
opposed them Some of our soldiers were manhandled and a 
few of them were actually wounded It was a critical 
moment I went to the terrace and shouted to our 
men to lay down their arms Major Singh also rushed down 
at my mstance, and took a brave stand between the two oppos- 
ing companies and averted a senous conflict. 

fHE END OF Ali £flA 

As soon as my guards gave way, the soldiers rushed into 
tne house, shouting 'pakado, niaro’. Among them were seve- 
ral Razakars. 

The Nizam's soldiers broke into every room on the ground 
door and crested all the servants. While this was going on, 

flJpH ‘Wh soldiers with 

ted bayonets and rushed into the room in which I was sitting, 

f ST"* *' ^ “"‘I hsked me in 

without delay '’°***‘^' *“ ““““Pih'y him to Greonlands 

do ‘™P8'' “d'l shouted at Brigadier Habib. ‘What 

wTa rlTL?*', ‘»1S outrage? I have just had two officers here 
Greenlands- rhsT"^ ■*** ^ should accompany them to 

of Meadow^ R ^ ^ disarm my men and take charge 

soldto rto m '■ hrlng armed 

soldiers nto my rcom and talk to me in the way you are 

vou cannr,?1! *herever Laik Ali wan^. But U 

my room, I shairnJurave.“‘‘ 

draw“tmm tta fiT« V*”'*' T""* ‘<> w«h- 

left wi'th'Tbjor'’an'g^''‘"' *° "'=Phune and 

otM^'orSlh! the Secumy^^cerKir"' "'''“consisted 

and another personal assistrmV T ■^"^hnaswamy, Rama Rao 
under military escort On nT*’ ' Greenlands 

about brandishing weapons arid sw "'° Razakars going 
At Greenlands thLe wert "f ''“‘“'T- 
sUll, as also an unfortunaie u- j 1 '^“’'“‘Sn correspondents 
minister in the place of ?osu'’nri"t° ''o'* appointed a 
were excited by the PolireAiSor^T"" 
all that was happening bnt r t “0 to tell them 

At 7 P,M. Mm S 

half of her husband for the rud^^h “P"'”®'®®. ‘u m® on be- 
She was very friendlv <jk ® i^^viour of Brigadier Habib, 
hand was an 'angel' and that mo ‘hat her lius- 

would not last for more thin opmron the Police Action 
ing enough. '^ayO' This was interest- 



We had dinnei by ourselves and Major Singh took every 
precaution for my safety My personal staff slept m such a 
position that if anyone made an attempt to come near me, 
they would come to know of it 

At 11-30 AM Ah Yavar Jung came to me Evidently, he 
had come after obtaining permission from Laik Ah We had 
a general talk and he referred to Razvi's plan that the Hindu 
population of Hyderabad ^ouJd be exchanged with the same 
number of Muslims from India' 

On the morning of tlie 14th we were taken to Lake \ lew, 
the palatial guest house where the Moncktons had lived Finm 
its drawing room one looks down at green lawns run- 
ning down to the mam load From the first floor where we 
were lodged, we had a distant view of the beautiful lake 
In fact, It was an internment We were m charge of a 
military officer and soldiers were posted in the compound as 
well as in the corridor and verandahs on the ground floor The 
fact that four soldiers were standing guard over us near the 
open doors of the dining room while we took our meals, was 
scarcely appetising 

We could not go out and no one was allowed access to 
us The telephone, too, was inaccessible The outside world 
came to us through the radio but the Indian broadcasts were 
either jammed or far from clear The Hyderabad radio was 
clear, and it went on repeating ‘Inska Allah’ The Hyderabad 
Army is winning rapid successes ' 

Laik All saw me that day He was solicitous for my com- 
fort and apologised for his inability to let me move out of 
Lake View He could not take the nsk of my being insulted 
or maltieated by the Ra^akars I said I understood the position 
‘What is this’ Your troops ate enteiing Hyderabad from 
three sides ’ he asked indignantly 

'Did you expect them to present their cards to you and 
seek youi permission bcfoic entering Hydeiabad'' I asked 
m leply 

I asked for my cook, who had been arrested and lodged 
in Meadows Barracks The cook, sent to me m the even 
mg came Umpmg He and the other servants had been 
scveiely beaten 

But this Mang cook from Bengal had a great sense of 
humoui When piessed to say who used to visit me he had 



replied in his broken Bengali-Hindi, ‘How do I know? I don’t 
know the names of others. I know one man who came to see 
my master. He was the Nizam. He came often.’ 

‘The Nizam!’ shouted his interrogator. 

‘Yes, the Nizam. Sure.’ 

‘How do you know?’ 

‘His photo is all over the town.’ 

My diary notes till the 11th had already been posted to 
Buch under sealed cover. Lest my impressions of the follow- 
ing days might be lost, I began the diary notes again in the 
form of a sequel to my triology of historical novels in Gujarati, 
using the names of the characters, but in a setting which would 
easily enable my wife to follow what was happening to us. 

My time was spent between dhyana, Bhagavad Gita, hear- 
ing the broadcasts and gossipping with my companions, who 
behaved with true loyalty. 

On the 15th, the Hyderabad Radio reported rapid victories 
while the Indian broadcasts announced the capture of Naldurg. 
Between the two reports, our uncertainty knew no bounds. 

At 6-20 P.M. I went down to the terraced lawn for my 
usual walk, as I had done the day before. 

Krishnaswamy and I stepped out of the drawing-room into 
e verandah to find that a non-commissioned officer was stand- 
ing with eight or ten guards at the extreme end of the topmost 
terraced garden into which the steps of the drawing-room led. 

s, accompanied by Krishnaswamy, I was coming down 
the steps, the N.C.O. waved to me to convey that I should 
go back into the drawing-room. I declined to heed him and 
went down towards the lawn. 

‘Undar Chale Jao’, (Go in), shouted the N.C.O 
few krishnaswamy a 

fiv. Ti? k C O. came with his men to within twenty- 

shmitmi rocked his Bten-gun«nd pointing at me, 

shouted Undar jao, undar jmy’ (Go in; go in) 

Vail '““"'‘wktomelikethat,’ I said, 

hall your officer. He is inside.’ 

The N.C.O. was threatening. 'I have my orders. Coin.' 



‘I am not your prisoner I refuse to go inside,’ I replied 
Thus we stood, the sten gun levelled at me, I facing him 
Some ten minutes went by 
‘Go in’’ he shouted 

Someone — I think the manager of Lake View — had seen 
what was happening He rushed to the officer, who it appears, 
was not m uniform 

In a few minutes someone came and whispered a message 
to the N C 0 Thereupon he uncocked his sten gun and be- 
gan walking away with his men 

‘Are you satisfied that everything is alright’* I asked 
He turned to me threatenmgly ‘Many things will happen 
still,’ he shouted 

In the meanUme, Major Singh and Hussein, the officer in 
charge, came out The officer was very apologetic But when 
I asked Major Singh to mform Laik Ah of what had happened, 
the officer refused him permission to do so Next day I sent 
a letter to Laik All about the incident, who saw me immediately 
and expressed regret for it 

I had faced a rather nasty situation boldly, but after meals, 
alone m my room, I realised what I was in for The Razakars 
were thirsting for my blood Every one of the twenty odd 
soldiers in Lake View would be only too glad to put his bul- 
let into me 

Walking up and down in that room — think the moon- 
light shimmered on the distant lake, but I am not sure — I pro- 
ceeded to wind up my life 

I could not stop my imagination from galloping away I 
looked back at how step by step 1 had struggled hard to achieve 
somethmg or the othei till that moment I thought of my 
father, who had believed m me, of my mother, who had loved 
me with such passionate devotion of Lakshmi, who had done 
and suffered so much io make me happy, u/ Ln'a, now’ 
lessly following the course of events her heart palpitating at 
what I must be suffering, of our children 

I read the Bhagavad Gita I sang all the half forgotten 
snatches of the songs I had known in early days 

I felt that I vras not going to come out of this mess 
Nevertheless, I remember to have been possessed with a cun- 



ous sense of contentment. I had done my best. I had no 
regrets. I had loved my duty. 

I went to sleep quite happily at about 3 A.M. and rose 
late in the morning. My temperature had risen to 100*. 



O N September 16, my tempeidture began to flue 
tuate between 100“* and 103" The Radio was not very 
encouraging The Hyderabad bioadcasts announced 

In the afteinoon, Ra3a Alahboob Karan saw me on behalf 
of the Pimce of Berar He told me that Naldurg, which ac* 
cording to official estimates was strong enough to stand out 
foi three months, had been occupied by the Indian Army 
within a few hours 

Late at night, Deen Yar Jung came to tell me that the 
Nizam wanted my advice El Edroos had gone to the Nizam, he 
said, and told him in unequivocal terms that he could not icsist 
the Indian Army any longer 

Lalk All had been called upon to resign, but had refused 
to do so and asked for ten days' grace The Nizam did not 
know what to do Would I be good enough to give him some 

Circumstanced as I was, I was not m a position to contact 
New Delhi The only advice that I could iiossibly give Deen 
Yar Jung, theiefoie, uas that the Nizam should comply with 
the demands of the Government of India in all respects order 
a cease fire, welcome the Pohee Action, dismiss the L,aik ^Vli 
Ministry, ban the Razakars, arrest Razvi and release Swann 
Ramananda Tirtha and the Congressmen from prison 

On the morning of September 17, General El Edioos 
came to see me He said that he had a talk with the Nizam, 
m which he had frankly admitted that it was not possible for 
hmi to resist the Indian Army any longer The previous da> 
Laik Ah had been asked to resign, but would not. This morn- 
ing the ^l^am had again called upon him to submit his resig 
nation, which he had agreed to do 

Either General Edroos or Deen Yar Jung, or both, told 
me that the Nizam would invite me to meet him at 4 PM to 
seek my advice. A little later. Raja Slahboob Karan came with 


tile same message. The news of Laik All’s resignation bad 
come to most people in Hyderabad as a tremendous relief. 

At 11 A.M., Lalk All came to Lake View himself and told 
me that he had submitted his resignation. He would meet me 
again at about 1 P.M., he said, on his return from the mosque, 
where he was going for his prayers. 

Curiously enough, tlic Hyderabad lladlo had all along been 
telling us that the Nizam’s Army was sweeping the country* 
side and approaching Goa. The Indian broadcasts were now 
clearer. There was no doubt that the Indian Army was ap- 
proaching Hyderabad. 

In the meantime, I had news that Laik Ali and his Minis- 
ters had met in the Shah Manzil and were busy burning im- 
portant papers. 

At 1 P.M, Laik All came and handed me a message signed 
by the Nizam, to be transmitted to Rajaji, our Governor- 

The message ran: 

My Government has tendered its resignation and asked 
me to take the political situation Into my hand completely. 

In answer to this I have informed them that I am sorry 
this was not done earlier and U Is too late for me to do anything 
critical Juncture. However, I Inform Your Excellency 
that I have ordered cease-Bre to my troops by this evening and 
^o have ordered to disband the Razakars mid am allowing the 
indlan troops to occupy Dolarum and Secunderabad barracks. 

The Nizam’s message continued to the effect that he had 
constituted a new cabinet of old and faithful public servants 
and invited Sir Mirza Ismail to be the President. This was in 
suggestion made by Lord Mountbatteii, he 
atn r appointed the Prime Minister, 

SSiH ^ A ^‘■^ugeu'ent met with Rajajl’s approval, he 
would send a chartered plane to bring Sir Mirza to Hyderabad 
to carry on negoUations. ■ 

ingenuous device to ignore all 
It wac; departure of Lord Mountbatten. 

^ to the Nizam that 

that if hP “°t appreciate this atUtude and 

Quoted abnvp I would only wireless the first part 

had no ohiPAH immediately informed me that the Nizam 
n objection to my deleting the objecUonable passage. 



Soon after Lajk All’s broadcast came through 

Early this morning the cabinet felt that there was no point 
in sacnhcmg human blood against heavy odds and arms and 
aircraft from the Indian Union Taking all this Into const 
deration, the Council decided to submit its resignation and 
to place their responsiblUUes of State into the august bands 
of the ruler This humble petition though received rather 
late, was accepted by the Nizam and he agreed to take the 
full responsibility of State and to form a neis Cabinet to take 
over from to morrow (Saturday) 

With this broadcast Laik All, and with him the Ittehad men 
who tried to disrupt India and faded made their last bow and 
disappeared from the stage 

The difficulty now was how to send the Nizam's message 
to New Delhi, for all commumcations between Hyderabad and 
Delhi had been cut off for the last five days I also had my 
doubts as to whether the wireless set m the Dakshtna Sadan^ 
was m working order A car was placed at my disposal The * 
operator was brought from Meadows Barracks, and accompa- 
nied by him and Major Smgh, I went to Dokshim Sadan 

All the roads of Hyderabad and Secundeiabad through 
which we passed were deserted Dal shtna Sedan Itself Jay 
forlorn, for the Nizam’s guard posted there had bolted The 
house and the wireless room had been heavily padlocked and 
it was with some difficulty that we forced an entry into tlie 
house by breaking open a door All the rooms were m a 
mess Curtains had been tom, the furniture and photo- 
graphs had been broken, some pots and pans which had been 
used by the occupying soldiers were lying about in confusion 
It appeared that when they had heard of the resignation of the 
Laik All Mmistry, they had fled leaving everything behind 
The wireless room was then broken open and the operator 
tned to establish contact with New Delhi m order to convey 
the message of the Nizam to Rajaji and Panditji 

In spite of high fever, I was home up by the excitement 
of the occasion 

Soon after, for the first time m my whole terpi as Agent 
General of India in Hyderabad, I received a personal letter 
from His Exalted Highness It ran 
Dear Mr Munsht 

I shall be glad to see you this afternoon at 4 PM at the 
Kothl In case you can come Will ioit please let me know 
whether you can come’ 


At 4 P.M., when I went to the Kiny Kothi, the Nizam 
looked the very image of desolation. His nerves had practically 
given way. He told me that 'the vuUui-es had resigned, and he 
did not know what to do.’ With a trembling hand he handed 
me a copy of the resignation submitted by the Laik Ali Ministry. 

Meanwhile, my first anxiety was for the unarmed citizens 
of Hyderabad. There were quite a few thousand armed Raza- 
kars still at large in the city, and Kasim Razvi had provided 
them with six thousand rifles with instructions to run amuck 
and kill as many Hindus as possible. 

‘Your Highness must take note of the fact that Hyderabad 
has no Government for the moment,’ I said. ‘I have been 
hrough the streets of Hyderabad and Secunderabad and the 
disappeared. Even the guards at 
wni Major-General Chaudhury 

^ day, perhaps more, to reach Hyderabad; the sur- 
Vm.r uf heavily mined. In the meantime 

law Edroos to preseive 

does not take charge imme- 
outburst of violence and Innocent 

people might be massacred.’ 

he ^droos immediately. Till 

twitch n^ ’ of Ala Hazrat 

i 'Vhen General El Edroos 

town' The necessity of keeping order in the 

it El Edroil ^®d to say about 

course was for circumstances the proper 

surrender it 

EdiXKjs was thp ®l°^*f*cneral Chaudhury when he came. 

‘“mediate charge 

oi ine City and maintain order. 

carr^^rtha rl!”® “ P>M-= tar Sir Miraa. He must 

carry on the Government,’ said the Nizam 

tar’ I “a ’f “““unlcation from my Government so 
MtataWngl"! “S'-p “> 3“ 

the meantime to “"“eement must be made in 

blood might not be sM™ “ that Innocent 


I will ask Edroos and Deen Yar Jung to carry on the 

. .roi“us1e.„g won 

whom I had no reason to trust Till quite recem y, 

had lent himselt to Ittehad ™?a with the 

lew days, Been Yar Jung cloWy 

ruling group of the Ittehad Unless massacre of the 

were associated with them, there might be a massacre 

innocents within the next forty eight “"f® 

‘Whatever ministry you apixunt, it will have ^ 
hereafter in consultation with . i jjaudhury arrives 

‘That can only be done when ^ j between Hyderabad 

and all communications are rh confidence of 

and New Delhi In the meantime, S and Deen 

the people, Hindus should be associated with hdroos 

Yar Jung , ksx aecnciaied with them’ asked 

Whom would you like to be associaiea 

the Nizam Pannalal Piltie commanded 

I knew that ^maehar and Panna^ 

the general confidence of the Hindus oi iij 

gested their names cleverness did not forsake 

him'^^hyrara "uwUan like Ahul Hasan 

knew Abul Syed Ah ve^ weU^^^A lery^bTO^ 

minded Muslim he held ‘he^'“ instance, the Prince of 

Council of the State I agreed At my msiai 
Berar was appointed the ChMrman *r„giims was to be in 
This joint committee of Hindus and Muslims 

control of the city till our trooi» arris eu i In Pans 

Meanwhile, the Security ^imcd was^ 

with Mom Nawaz pleading Hyde gi\e a broadcasit 

Iherefore. advised the Nir^ that he ohouW gi^cd the Police 
talk to the isorld to the <t^t fut ^ ,p enter Hydera- 

Aclion, that he had Invited the Union tirops 

bad to help him in restonng ^ S heon ™ade to the Seen- 
ssithdrawing the submission svhich hod been m 
nty Council hj Laik All Mimstry advice and accepted 

As the Ntom himselt tod ^ght y announce 

It, t thought it lias appropriate that no ni 

the surrender to the world. Bui it seemed he had never so 
much as seen a broadcasUng station. 

‘How do you broadcast?' he asked me. 

‘It is very easy/ I said. 'One has only to speak into a 

At his request I also agteed to broadcast a few words aft^ 
he had finished. Ilia message was then drafted and approve 
by me and he inserted a sentence acknowledging the help 
1 had given Idm. 

From the Khig Kothi I proceeded to Shah Manzil to call 
on Laik Ali. I owed him that piece of courte;^ for the consi- 
deration which he had invariably shown to me. He was in 
a resigned mood. We parted In as friendly a manner as we 
had when first we had met as client and counsel 

I then called General El Edroos into conference. I kne%v 
that mines had been laid around Hyderabad and I asked him 
to make arrangements to get them removed. 

I had no idea of mlliiary formalities, so that I did not know 
how Major-General Chaudhuiy should be received, nor was 
thcio any possibility of Urstructlons being I'oceived from New 
Delhi. We decided, tlierefore, that El Edroos sliould accom- 
pany the Prince of Berar, the <Ie jure Commander-In-Chief, 
who should offer a formal surtendor. Wc contacted the Prince. 
He was willing to do so only if I accompanied him. I informed 
General Rajendrasinhjl by a wireless of what wo Iwd decided. 

From the conference I went straight to the wireless station 
and wrote out my own broadcast When he began to speak 
on the radio, the Nizam did not know at first how to do so 
and iumblcd. His voice trembled. He departed from the text 
by referring to me 'Ke Btn Safieb Afunsfii SaheV. Hla 
broadcast ran: 

My beloved people, 

I have great pleasure to Inform you that I have sent the 
following message tcHiay to Uls Excellency ilr. Rajagopala- 
charl, Govemor^Seneral of India: 

My Government has tendered its resignation and has ask- 
ed me to take the political situation Into my purview.' In ans- 
wer to this, I said that I was sorry that this was not done 
earlier and it waa not possible for me to do anytliing at this cri- 
tical Juncture. However, 1 have ordered a cease-fire to my troops 
and have also ordered the ban of the Razakars and allowing of 
the Indian Union to occupy Bolarum and Secunderabad to- 
morrow. Further, Ull I have bad an opportunity of appoint- 



ii3g a Prime ailnlster and a regular Ministry, I hereby consti- 
tute the following mlo a comndttee His Highness the Prince 
of Berar, Comroanderin-Cailef, Major General El Edroos, Com- 
mander, Nawab Deen Yar Jung Commissioner of Police, Mr. 
Ramachar, ex Minister, Mr Abui Hasan Syed All, ex presi- 
dent, Ittebad ul Musalmeen, and Mr Panna I,al 

I am also calling Sir Mirza Ismail, Nawab Zain Yar Jung 
and Mr Aravamudu Ayyangar as soon as communications are 
resumed and will lake the opportunity of consulting them to 
enable me to meet the situation which has arisen on account of 
the dislocation and resignation of the Ministry. 

I have also issued orders for the immediate release of 
Swami Ramananda Tlrtha, President of the State Congress, who 
I am sure, will help H>derabad In this crisis I have also 
ordered the cancellation of orders and warrants against mem- 
bers of the Central Committee of Action of the State People’s 

I have also had consultations with ray friend, Mr K. M 
Munshl, India 8 Agent-General 1 take this opportmuty to 
acknowledge the help be rendered me on this occasion 

I appeal to aXl my beloved people irrespective of caste and 
creed to maintain calm and paUence 1 am confident that once 
law and order are restored in Hyderabad, It would not be dif- 
dcuft to amve at an arrangement with the Government of 
India under which roj people, whose welfare is my only con- 
cern, can live in peace and harmony with the rest of the peo- 
ple in India, 

1 have also ordered the representatives of my old hUnls- 
try, who are now prosecuting the appeal on behalf of Hyder- 
abad before the U N Security Council, not to press it as 1 
am opening a new chapter of friendliness with India 

I need not assure my people that X will try to maintain the 
best traditions of the Asaf Jahi Dynasty of looking after my 
people, itTespecUve of caste and creed. 

Then I read out my broadcast, whicli ran as follows 

I am speaking from Ibc Nizam's radio as H E IC. asked 
me to do It I take this opportunity because no other means 
of communication are available for the moment Last 
night I was contacted and I conveyed to H E H the mean- 
ing and purpose of the Police AcUoa which my Government 
was taking to restore law and order m Hyderabad I am glad 
to say that K E H was pleased to appreciate the action and 
issued the cease fire order IhL morning I have conveyed to 
H E Sri C. Rajagopalachariar the menage sent by H E H 
I want to speak particularly to the people of Hyderabad 
Their lot is cast with the people of India We are one people 
and we cannot be parted We muat conUnue to remain to 



the surrender to the world. But it seeincd he had never so 
much as seen a broadcasting station. 

‘How do you broadcast?’ he asked me. 

‘It is very easy,’ I said. ‘One has only to speak into a 

At his request I also agreed to broadcast a few words after 
he had hnished. His message was then drafted and approved 
by me and he inserted a sentence acknowledging the help 
I had given him. 

From the King Kothi I proceeded to Shah ManzU to call 
on LtUk All. I owed him that piece of courier for the consi- 
deration which lie had invariably shown to me. He was in 
a resigned mood. We parted in os friendly a manner as we 
had when first we had met as dlent and counsel. 

I then called General El Edroos into conference. I knew 
Uiat rnmes had been laid around Hyderabad and I asked him 
to make arrangements to get them removed. 

raUitary fonnalliies, so that I did not know 
jor-General Chaudhury should be received, nor was 
MM “ instrucUons boing received from New 

El Edrooe should occom- 
Sho.hof.if “/ **'' Couimander-ln-Chlef, 

Ho was wmiil ? “h We contacted the Prince 

General °k " '' ‘ hi'"- I Infonned 

^ “ Wireless of what wo had decided, 

and wrote straight to the wireless station 

on the rariin broadcast. When ho began to speak 

and^umhM m how to do so 

bf reteS’ to ™‘“,*;'“hled. He departed from the test 

breadSri: ° ™ S-'-eh-. His 

My beloved people, 

followmB^rnSr^^l^!?*^ Inform you that I have sent the 

ed to^S?'iTLr« resignauon and has ask- 

wer s I sa1d*^S1 In ana- 

earner and it 

Ucat Juncture, 1° anything at this erb 

and have also ordered the W “y 

the Indian Union to or^!^ Razakars and allowing of 

morrow. Further tUl r Rolarum and Secunderabad to- 
dinner, tui i have had an opportunity of appoint- 


a pruna Mtaislar and a “CSgh" 

rBe‘?aV*— f 

ISarVNawab Dean All, -PrasL 

'Ramacbsr. ex Minister, M Panna Lai 

tot, utebadulMusalmeen, and ^ 2a,n Yar June 

1 am also calling Sir ‘ a, comiminlcatlons are 

and Mr Aravamndu Ay^ngar M soon them to 

resumed and "J' ^ ®^*hlch has arisen on aeeoun 

enable me to meet the Ministry. , 

the dislocation and me Immediate release of 

I have also Issued ai„t of the Slate Congress, who 

‘=°Thto also “ 

1 appeal to all n^ . ^iignce I am confident ... 
creed to maintain S Hyderabad, It would not be dU 

?Iw and order «« ' j“SJa“ge"ent with the G»vern“ent °1 
flcult to arrive at ^ welfare is >W “W = 

India under wteh w ^/„armony with the rest of the peo- 
cern, can live m p Minla- 

ple In India. represenUtives of my old ^ 

I have also Che appeal on behalf of Hyd^^ 

try, who are n^'^C.^^^Srity Council, not to press it as 
before the V ^ friendliness with India ^ 

am ooemng a new chap . j try to maintain the 

I need not Dynasty of looking after my 

best tramUoM of th 
people. IrrespecUve 

. broadcast, which ran as foUows 
Then I read out my radio as H E H asked 

I am opportunity because no other m^ 

me to do it I available for the moment, 

of communication a ^ convened to H E H the . 

night I was oonucted ^hlch my 

inl and purpose of th order In Hyderabad I om g 


“ ^ wmt to =p«k We are <>■“ 

Their lot Is tVe um-t couUnue to renu • 

and we cannot no v 



use H.E.H.’s phrase, ‘in imegraled fcarnaony’ so lhal tree India 
may be great in every sphere of life. One assurance I 
give you— an assurance again and again given by our Prime 
Minister, Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru: India is a secular Stale. 

It knows no difference of religion or race. To every man 
it gives the full rights of ciUzfii^lp* And. neither Hindus nor 
Muslims need be apprehensive of the treatment. I request 
the people not to get into panic. The entry of the troops 
will take place in a spirit of friendliness. No breach of l^v 
and older ^vi^l be tolerated and no peaceful citizen will be 
molested. The Indian Army is an army of friends to rescue 
the life of Hyderabad from the nightmare of the last twelve 
months. I appeal to Hindus and Muslims both to act with 
mutual trust and goodwill lo enable Hyderabad to achieve its 
honoured place as an integral part of India. 

On my way back to Dakshina Sadan 1 found that the 
streets of Hyderabad and Secunderabad were full of widely 
excited Hindus shouting national slogans. The National Flags 
were being carried In procession in several of the streets. At 
one or two places I had to get down from my car and address 
them, as also lo exhort them not to stage any demonstrations 
or to indulge In violence. 

When I reached home at about 8*15 P.M. Panditji's mes- 
sage was waiting for me: 

You should not, repeat not, broadcast to-night. You should 
not make any commitment on our behalf without instructions. 

Hyderabad Army should formally surrender to our Army 

Pending further Instruction:* our Army Commander will 
be In charge of the general administration. 

The surrender wtU be a purely military function in which 
you will not participate and you should not enter Secunder- 
abad with the army column. 

Apparently they did not want me, as their representative, 
to get mixed up with the military activities. At the moment, 
however, either because of the high fever or the strain which I 
had undergone during the day, I felt deeply hurt at the tone 
of the message. Apart from what I had gone through.. I felt 
that I deserved to have it couched in a less peremptory tone. 
I muttered Seuadhamohn parmna pahnno ijoginamapyagam- 
yaha. ‘To serve well is extremely difficult, it is difficult even 
for yogh’. 


T ”= f—£ 

moving obout and therefore invited him to come and st j 


met with the disapproval of certain ^ 

My action was construed as exUicating Uauidatc the 

difficult situation It enabled him it ^ It 

old regime so as to prepare for ^ freedom of ihe 

was also felt that what I did compro * ^5 ^ell as the 

Government of India m with t military one 

situation as they thought fit the situation was a military 

and I was not justified in stepping had little 

But those in New Delhi who I vvas com 

Idea of the situation in which I on an m 

pletely cut off from the world as 8 functioning in Hy 

accessible island There was no au ^ followers and given 
derabad Razvi had distiibuted aim Army entered 

ordemfor indiscriminate y'^^to^Live for 

Hyderabad No one knew when forcibly took over 

the city was mined £oi miles around It . temiy 

Hyderabad the blood of the of debating the 

The Security f gne advice to the 

question of Hyderabad If 1 r --rue to the Government 
Nizam the advantage which „ould be lost Beiulder 

of India by his voluntary . {„iiow The massacre 

ment uncertainty and confusion Army entered 

of the innocents by R“'\\,r"whrwas an operation tor 
Hyderabad would be inevitabte . . j^ee„ converted 

rescuing the people of Hyderatod would have 
into a military conquest and would have settled on 

Bahadur Shah is claimed to have worn 

the brow of the Nizam . , _gg a silua 

In these circumstances I felt it ^ ,n% itcd by 

tion was created m which the Indmn Army vronld 



the Nizam hlmseU and the State could be taken over by the 
Indian authorities peacefully whenever it came on the scene. 

The so-called Hyderabad Delegation had made a point be- 
fore the Security Council that tlie Nizam was only a prisoner 
in the hands of Uie Indian Army when he made the broadcast. 
Nothing could be further from the truth, Major-General 
Chaudhuiy was about forty miles away fi^om Hydembad at the 
time, I was practically a prisoner in the hands of the Nizam 
and at the mercy of Razvi. I was alone, without any one to 
whom I could tunr for consultation or help. If I gave the 
advice to the Nizam to surrender, it was because he sought it; 
if I revised Ids broadcast, it was at his request; if I made the 
broadcast myself, it was at his Insistence, a price which I had’ 
to pay to get him to make his broadcast, which I thought would 
straighten out India’s position before the Security Council, and 
which in fact it did. 

General El Edroos immediately put a guard round the 
bouse in which Eazvi lived. He made no resistance. For the 
moment, he was deflated. 

cnAPTEii xxxn 


Y N order to eee the events “ the country 

T necessary to keep m vtew ^ topQ 
^ durmg the few days that I w Hyderabad Gov- 

Apart from the , resist the Government 

ernment and the "®the end New Delhi would 

of India, they were confident ^at m the e^d^ ^ 

not have the courage to tak y collapse 

was taken, the Government of Ind deprived of 

As already ^ equipment, the Indian Amy 

the British Officers and short of quip^ campaign against Hy- 
was mcapable of .„eie inextricably 

derabad, particularly as mhers, by the Pak J 


r« a^drSuttemabihty to .slash tbeindlan 

Army if an occasion arose . ^ believed that 

The Ittehad leaders. “^®‘“^®Hy^abad, there would be 
once action was taken country, a risk which 

large-scale communal no prepared to take Th y 

Pr^ncial Governmen^ Tft ^yihls happened to Hydera- 
" lull rise as one man In the.r 

^“The Ittehad leaders were was whoS 

as weU as the general for independence Though 

heartedly with the Nizam m ^‘J^t he would not 

rarrplSn‘dld‘’interiene, India would be overw 

without any difficulty ^Ucpcring galleries of Delhi 

During this pern". 



echoed with the differences between Panditji and Sardar. These 
echoes resounded in Hyderabad in magnified volume. 

he agents of the Nizam’s Government who hovered about the 
Secretariat in New Delhi, were also not slow in drawing upon 
their imagination when retailing stories about the rift between 
the two leaders. Wishful thinking added certainty to the 
belief that if Sardar proposed poUce action against Hyderabad, 
i anditji. who would see in it the loss of his international 
predige, would force him to resign. 

meantime, the whole of India was astir with a keen 
of activities of the Razakars and the atti- 

tude of the Nizams Government had come to be looked upon 
atmritief™!) 'fatlgcr. The reports relating to the Razakar 
wem r. f documents which had passed het- 
well aflndTin^°'''''''’““‘®’ dPPcared In the English as 
coww wkh rmnsT'*' consequence, Indignation, 

Hv Impatience, was sweeping the country, 

him toartert"m°' Mountbalten had left India; with 

tion ^ It ^S mm to temporise over the Hyderabad ques- 
Muenual i"’‘‘ itcaitalion still ruled some 

in falrlv co^ he. i*h meanwhile, Sardar, now 
his usuaMh^.^. " command of the situation. With 

H eSs at tc began to deploy all 

lecttonTf trim “ds, the col- 

maintenance o! decisive action and the 

frontier and Western 

required that anv m left undefended; caution 

Hyderabad diver^louTh™^^^^^^ 

readjustment was ^ forestalled. A good deal of 

The first constituents otlh^foT^^'^ ‘’'= ““"'fy- 

however, started raovfno- for the operation. 

May; the last constitueni 

May; the last con« strategic positions in 

and thri^UEhourt he Zia ‘"'".r' “■= 

Into a cohSve fmc. In Wfc bnlt together 

force of about 20 non mo it was a well-disciplined 

confidence "gbUng trim and full of 

Hj-dfrabaf “omp'rkrt 'a' 

omprised a regular array of about 22,000 men 

HOW THE coumny took it 

modelled on the Btm.h d’ hTifoorn^^tyf 

aeUUery. In addtUon, mdtset- 

with modem small arms. ^ and about 100,000 

plmed Arabs with a ^ d fire arms of sorts, the re 

Razakars, of whom some 20.000 had fire am 
maimng having spears and swords the 

The atiocities of the f “iglTn uLn. "ad 6'™ 

Rizam's Government had treaty Everj 

the Indian troops a sense both of urge j 
man in the army realised that if Ihts da-iser w 
dated. It was to be done svv.ftly and thormgh y 

Most of the fndian <>®f « nme^seen the Hydera- 

of the operation, had at ^ therefore, confident that 

bad Army at close quarteis Th y gy jnd unattended by 

the outcome of the action “ 1 , Li, the British Com- 

any internal disoider Only G nj jje overestimated 

mander-m-Chlef, was hesiunt Ihrougho i^^^j^nnited that 
the capability of the ability of Sardar and the 

of his own troops, and kneiv n problems of internal 

Provincial Governments to deal wiUt me proo ^ 

law and order. Like to “ e p^'^ 

leahse that no price ‘“ ti?aleried the very euslence of 

the Razakar menace which tmeaie 

India , . ifiahfld leadeis to mobilise the 

All the efforts of the the year and-a half. 

Muslims outside Hyderatad made dur^^g^^^^ p„3S 

had little effect With uhnosl one brought the 

the country had declared tli Thoughtful Muslims 

trouble on himself by Had no sympathy tor the 

both inside and outside Hy . ^ they hated the Itlehad 
Nizam or the Itlehad On uighoiit the country and 

tor keeping up with^the Hindus to which 

endangering the happy re partition 

they had been looking chances Under his 

Sardar, however, "“I'''* ‘its had made pieparations 
direction the Provincial Gov agajnst possible outbursts 

to meet any local planned and leadj for im 

of communal conflict was .. -re some prominent Muslm 

plementation. No doubt, sympathy with the 

Leaguers in the country '■'““ii’’ aevcral cities security 
Tttchad they had to be rounded op 



measures were also taken and meetings banned. 

In Delhi, there was a strong anti-Muslim feeling on account 
of the influx of the refugees from Pakistan. The police armed 
corps and the military stood ready there to go into action in the 
event of any Muslim hooliganism. 

In Uttar Pradesh, there were some Muslim elements which 
wished Hyderabad weU. They had been avowedly anU-Indian 
from the days of the Partition. They were therefore sternly 
warned by Pandit Govind Ballabh Pant, then the Chief Minis- 
er. Such elements’, he said in a public pronouncement, ‘are 
traitors to the Indian Union and wiil be dealt with severely.’ 

2 result of these precautions, when the Police Action 
started, the countty was absolutely quiet, On the 16th, Sar- 
dM congratulated the Muslims and non-Muslims of India for 
me warm and unanimous support they had given to the Govern- 
ment m the action which they had to take against Hyderabad. 

believed in action, he was the most 
onmT™ ? He fully realUed that the first reaction 

ttae uTt' At the same 

cmMrl ^ how It would Ultimately react if the 

*ss swift and successful, 
emmmf ‘■‘"“ences of opinion in Gov- 

the infprvBMi- Delhi about the time and manner of 

UlttotS^ meetings of the Cabinet, 

m ? “"'“'tnicaUon addressed by Rev. Edwards 

^ut^e TtlSSef ‘'■“"'"t Churches in England, setting 

w^d^toX qit ' m" “ ®“py “t I »ad for- 

that the intemationai**'"-"*?^' belpful in allaying the fear 

■The nXfS M ’ ??“'*?'> be against India. ' 
September It received on the 12th 

was linked' with hi tb® date set for action 

ISleS m ™ ‘b t“®t. the date for action, 

SoSues wanted T P^P'^^b^r 9, for the army 

troops right im tn warning in order to move 

action by the trooo positions. The rumours that 

TheNimin’s reached Hyderabad. 

biformaUon that Delhi, ■ however, had given the 

“e XlXm ^s ’P”® ‘b which 

■to the ssvilt success 

I was given to understand that on the midnight of the 12th, 


HOW THE couNrny took jt 

General Buchei tailed up ™ that hour 

rare feat for any one to get h™ p„st- 

General Bucher then H^also referred to the 

pone the acUon at least tor ^ Bombay, a surprismg 

stand up to an attack menUoning that wlule 

In this connccuon, it is weU opposed to ac- 

General Bucher and men of last for some months, 

tion, thought that the oiKration wou ‘ ^Igoers, was 

Sardar, on the advice of Test to more than a 

firmly of the opinion that gve days, Sardar 

week When the acUon estimate went wrong 

puhhcly said that he was sorry that nis 

by two days 

At 4 AM on Septemb" ‘yjj® ““"^t dw^ 
troops entered Hyderabad from ®^^„„ar and the border 
other subsidiary colunms “’?“'^elso®crossed the frontier 
provinces of C P , Madras and o( ^ foreign corre^ 

It was about this ‘“"f ^ ^ 5 p,tahty of Greenlands 

pendent, who had etiwed Uic ,11 over any blood Is 

for days, was published m th , jj that of the blid- 

shed m Hyderabad the first to be shed wm 

like Munshi ’ ^ -n ^ ,.a Artion was announced to the 

When the news of the Police A in^ ^^vjdends Foreign 

world, the India According to 

newspapers became bitter y -nyasion of an mdependent 
them the Police Action ^^gommentary on the foreign 

neighbouring State ^ ^ more interested m Nizam s hi 
outlook on India that J fascism than m the 

for independence bas^ f”|T„jjerabad or the dangerous situa- 
suffermgs of the people of Hy ^tjon of the four districts 

tion created by the Communists ^ ^ democratic state 

or lor that matter in ,t,on of the Razakars 

which depended upon Ihe elimmauon^^^^^ Hou=e of 

On September 15, tbOT ' as^^ Anthony Eden ^ 

Commons to England disagreed on most pohtlca 

Aneurm Sevan who generally dlsagr 



measures were also taken and meetings banned. 

In Delhi, there was a strong anti-Muslim feeling on account 
of the influx of the refugees from Pakistan. The police armed 
corps and the military stood ready there to go into action in the 
event of any Muslim hooliganism. 

In Uttar Pradesh, there were some Muslim elements which 
wished Hyderabad well. They had been avowedly anti-Indian 
from the days of the Partition. They were therefore sternly 
warned by Pandit Govind Ballabh Pant, then the Chief Minis- 
ter. Such elements’, he said in a public pronouncement, 'are 
traitors to the Indian Union and will be dealt with severely.’ 

As a result of these precautions, when the Police Action 
started, the country was absolutely quiet. On the 16th, Sar- 
congratulated the Muslims and non-Muslims of India for 
unanimous support they had given to the Govern- 
take against Hyderabad. 
Hmime Sardar believed in action, he was the most 
of ‘■eslised that the first reaction 

India. At the same 

counts iusUnct how It would ultimately react if the 

differences of opinion In Gov- 
the intenSnUon manner of 

Ultimatelv tiin stormy meetings of the Cabinet. 

S ^ Edwards 

out the atrocUies oMh^ Churches In England, setting 

warded to thp <?fnt ^tazakars, a copy of which I had for- 
that Se intp^ar ^ helpful in aUaying the fear 

The India ' 

September It 1 ^*^' received on the 12th 

was linked with h- some that the date set for action 

sitember 'he date for action, 

auCtt wam^threl dL' 

troops right un to thifif « ^ warning m order to move 
action bv the froo positions. The rumours that 

TheNizL^ reached Hyderabad, 

information thaf i^fh ' however, had given the 

the real date was U-Day. The Way in which 

to the svvUt succee'iS thTSSm nieasure 

I was given to understand thkt on the' midnight of the 12th, 



General Buchei called up Sardar on the telephone, it was a 
rare feat for any one to get him out of bed at that hour 
General Bucher then advised Sardar to listen to him and post- 
pone the action at least for some days He also referred to the 
possible air attack on Ahmedabad and Bombay, a surprismg 
thing for a Commander in Chief to believe Sardar remmded 
General Bucher how London had suffered during the Great War 
and coolly assured him that Ahmedabad and Bombay both could 
stand up to an attack if it came 

In this connection, it is well worth mentioning that while 
General Bucher and men of his type, who were opposed to ac- 
tion, thought that the operation would last for some months, 
Sardar, on the advice of some Indian military officers, was 
firmly of the opmion that it would not last for more than a 
week. When the action came to an end m five days, Sardar 
pubbcly said that he was sorry that his estimate went wrong 
by two days 

At 4 A M on September 13, the mam column of Indian 
troops entered Hyderabad from Sholapur At dawn, the four 
other subsidiary columns from Ahmednagar and the border 
provinces of C P , Madras and Mysore, also crossed the frontier. 

It was about this time that a despatch of a foreign corres- 
pondent, who had enjoyed the lavish hospitality of Greenlands 
for days, was published in the papeis 'If ever any blood is 
^ed In Hyderabad the first to be shed will be that of the bird- 
Iike Munshi ’ 

When the news of the Police Action was announced to the 
"orld, the Greenlands hospitahly paid dividends Foreign 
i^wspapers became bitterly hostile to India According to 
Police Action was an invasion of an mdependent 
neighbouring State It is a curious commentary on the foreign 
I J interested in Nizam’s bid 

or independence based cm communal fascism than m the 
people of Hyderabad or the dangerous situa- 
nr Communists’ occupation of the four distncts 

which existence as a democratic state 

ch dgiended upon the elimination of the Razakars 
Pnmm 15, thcTc was a debate in the House of 

An unn Bevan who generaUv disagreed on most political 



measures were also taken and meetings banned. 

In Delhi, there was a strong anti-Muslim feeling on account 
of the influx of the refugees from Pakistan. The police armed 
corps and the military stood ready there to go into action in the 
event of any Muslim hooliganism. 

In Uttar Pradesh, there were some Muslim elements which 
wished Hyderabad well. Th^ had been avowedly anti-Indian 
from the days of the Partition. They were therefore sternly 
warned by Pandit Govind Ballabh Pant, then the Chief Minis- 
ter. ‘Such elements’, he said in a public pronouncement, ‘are 
traitors to the Indian Union and will be dealt with severely.' 

^ precautions, when the Police Action 

started, the country was absolutely quiet. On the 16th, Sar- 
congratulated the Muslims and non-Muslims of India for 
unanimous support they had given to the Govern- 
inent m the action which they had to take against Hyderabad. 

believed in action, he was the most 
of men. He fully realised that the first reaction 
thif ^ ^sainst India. At the same 

cSntrl 5 ultimately react if the 

action was swift and successful, 
differences of opinion in Gov- 

the intervention manner of 

Ultimat^v fS stonny meetings of the Cabinet, 

tn ^ communicaUon addressed by Rev. Edwards 

out the atircuL^ F^th Churches in England, setting 

S a copy of which I had for- 

that the Intern ^mistry, was helpful in allaying the fear 
Se new? India 

SeptSlw It on the 12th 

'vas linked with w action 

Si? T? ® the date for action. 

auCties wantM 'th'"' T September 9. for the anny 
troops rieht 1 .?? warning in order to' move 

action by the tr ° pt«itions. The rumours that 

The Nizfm? a* imminent had reached Hyderabad. 

I>elhv however, had ^ven the 
the ml da?ei V ^ The Way In which 

to the swift succei of 

I was given to understand that on the mldnight of the 12 th, 


uoops either put up a token “aS "he 

and fled towards waitaie but usuallj 

irregulars attempted a lorm them In some 

i-an away when the first sh . bedding rolls still warn , 

places the advancing ‘™ops <0™“ ^ “ t others, umloims 

L defenders havnrgdepaited p.«iP®“^^^ an 

were found lying about, , civilian clothes 

hour 01 two earner “aving dea^m H ^ 

There was considerable c axist Staff 

quarters Co-ordination of ^ aiders which con 

offlcers went about issuing oont«d‘0^ 7^^ a 

fused the commanders who, ^ „ou„ced that the Tahnud 
obeymgthem The Maam s Ba*o a tuied by Indian 

defile on the mam l>PP">o<=h had P^^^ ^aached 

troops after a stiff resistance even 

“'“feme of the senior commanders o^ the Hydara^^^ 

deseSrth:” posts »;he ^d ^ub™.tted^r^ P 

won battles which had never taken P is developed 

broadcast from the Hyderabad Ram“„a'the Raaakars, ea* 
between the regular Hyde^bad 'om^ 

claiming to have been let down y ' troops appea 

On the other hand whercv tvlth “Pen arms 

ed, they were welcomed hy * the cimI P“I"t“ 

The behaviour of the ‘tooP ^ U times correct and 
whether Hindu or Maa hm 'vas^U to restore confidence 
partial and this in itself .ns.diary Indian force 

On September 16 a subsidiary advancing 

Aurangabad An a'‘c™Pt ^'ji'a^ing a white flag but they ca 
columns into an ambush y ..hstantial resistance „-hafl 

lured the fort without any 

Ibrahim a lecturer ^ 

was a fanatic Ittehad Indian army jjd 

facmg the oncoming toys to go back M ^ j’ 

in charge of the tanks the progress of the tan 

some did not and tried to oppose ui 

cepears and shouts' taken prisoner, but was • * 

Ibrahim laii a^^ay. disappeared. 

on assurances of memones of the madness w 

Ine in another land on the memor 
had cost innocent lives 

Tift’ END OF AN EfU 

Jisues of the day, found themselves in agreement in condemn- 
ing India. Sir Anthony Eden called India’s action an ‘act of 
aggression*. Lord Salisbury’s heart was heavy, contemplating 
the fate of the Nizam, ‘an old and faithful friend'. 

On the 16th, the Security Council adopted Hyderabad’s 
complaint against India as an item on its agenda. 

The news of the Police Action and of my being cut oil 
from all contacts in Hyderabad, found a place in every news- 
paper. My friends all over the country read it witli a shock; 
they gave up hope of seeing me again. 

The order wliicli General Rajendrasinhji, the General 
OiFiccr Commanding SouUicrn Command located at Poona, 
issued on tlie 13th read; ‘Go fonvaitl to your mission. Crush 
any resistance met and protect all law-abiding persons irres- 
pective of religion, caste and creed,’ Thus began ‘Operation 

The entry of the Indian Aimy early on the 13th, took the 
Hyderabad authorities, both civil and military, by surprise. 

They had relied on the word of General El Edroos and the 
ueclarailons made by Kasim Razvi, that the advance would be 
^Itcd at Naldurg and General Chaudhuiy's' column beaten 

At 8 A.M.. on the morning of tho 13th. Lt. T. T. More, an 
ex-British Aimy Commando, who had taken service with the 
army, was captured while driving a, loaded jeep, 
cn inleiTogalcd. he said that he had resigited from the 
iiyueralwU Army under the instructions from the High Com- 
ml&loner and was leaving the SUtc as quickly as he could, 
f!? * ® discovered to be full of explosives. He had 

V n bridges, including the one at 

.Naldurg Thb showed the wisdom of prompt action. 

- * ^ Hyderabad Army nor the ill-organised bands 

Ilazakars, had ever seen a real army 
they business and the more they saw of It the less 

of Naldurg lent itself to defence. But though 
r earrisoned it was taken in a tc\v hours with the 
casu^ies largely on the Hyderabad side. 

disintegration. A complete rouf began.- 
er the Indian columns appearesd. the Hyderabad 


the end of the adventure 

Os’i’omeTdfcmrfeianuned me and d.agnesed it as 

typhoid , , there was to be no 

Typhoid demands absolute ^ ^ Syed 

reslfor me Been Yar Jung ZulQrf« ^ , 3 , nm 

Ah brought a request *i^King Kothi I found that the 

nnmediately When I went to the K | ^ to know 

Inzam was worried about his guarded 

whether he would be allows W h^u « Hyderabad I 

by his own men when OM t P „uulj not be 

told him that so tar as J ce^mly take steps to 

disturbed and that our uwpa I told him, 

see that no harm came W hm mstructions 

that I would phone up Sarda j a talk with 

On my return to Oaksh.^ „,„e and 

Sardar on the phone His views 

I conveyed them to the NiMm streets in 

I learnt that Hindus had ^ Hyderabad As the 

large numbers, both in „sar the camp of the Mus 

demonstrations were '“k .S P ot communal trouble 
hm refugees there was '■'^'‘ho o Swaml 

I immediately oonUmted ^macha^^ ^ est 

Ramanand and asked tbom * d untoward incidents 

the people to disperao •" gyare y Hyderabad and 

I also drove through *0 crowds to disperse But 

Secunderabad myself wild with excitement regardless 

wherever I went, the cr , addressing them 

of my state of health, “''f f “"cSm a veiy Interesting re- 
L I returned to the day bad been 

port came to me The b“™a ^jj^^akars together with thmr 
the barbers The ,|UickIy dndmg a sale as>- 

uniforms lances and ^vords, 

lum m the nearby wells Nizam’s message- ti 

On the 18th Rajaji replied to me 



The ccasc-firc order of the Nizam, broadcast oa the 17th. 
came exactly 4 days and 13 hours alter the Police Acilon had 
begun and sent a thrill of triumph and relief iliroughout the 

The performance of Major-General Chaudhury was very 
neat, well planned and well executed. The fact that the clum- 
sily organised forces of the Nizam disappeared at the first Im- 
pact of the regular army— noililng else was possible — did not 
detract from Uic nierlls of the i>crformance, which was, as 
Sardar had anticipated, swift and decisive. It raised the 
militaiy reputation of India throughout the world. 

On the ISlh, Pandiljl congratulated the country on having 
prcseirved peace. By this time, India was in a Jubilant mood, 
congratulating the Government and the Army on its racccss- 
ful operations. 

On September 20. Ilajaji, the Governor-General of India, 
ordered a national prayer to be offered to God. The happy 
manner in which one of the thorniest obstacles to Indian soli- 
darity had been removed was certainly Cod’s doing. 

Pakistan had been fed on Hyderabad broadcasts of victory. 
On the Hyderabad Iladio, it had heard of the battles that had 
been won by the Nlrani's Army, and had been told that It 
was approaching Goa. Suddenly came the ccaso-fire broad- 
cast of the Nizam and his unconditional surrender. A huge 
crowd lashed itself into fury. The demonstrators surrounded 
the house of Sri Sri Prakasa. the then High Commisslnner for 
India in Pakistan, and marched to the house of Prime 
Minister Liaquat All Khan, demanding that the Pakistan Army 
should march on India. Mr. Llaauat All Khan had a hanl 
time convincing them that he could not do It, 


that If I failed m any effort for nine months 

As you knorv, I have ®‘“Xnie„tary mission, which is 
I had accepted I would like to be free 

limshed now . an, not ready to serve you I will 

This docs not mean that la „ „ant me But 

alwavs be ready, r^o aTientLneral 

there is nothing left for “ ‘‘j’ ’‘„/heen with temperature 
nuring the last four days, I have oe 

running 101 and ^ high as ever and 

On the morning of Oie ISUi, my hed I had to 

the doctors were insistent that I s by air, and, 

attend duly General have looked improper 

If I did not go to leceive him. tt aerodrome 

Summoning up all ” ^al Chaudhury asked me 

There— of all places— Major-Oenera 

‘What about you, Mr victory, so that I could 

He was a young man flushed timing of 

make allowances for Ins superior tone and 
his question . r mid him 'My mission held « 

‘Don't worry about me. It al letter to Sardor 

complete Only yesterday I wiole a per 

asking him to relieve me b,s officers had 

General Kajendrasinhji arnv^ a ^ 

their luncheon w'th us When Ae lunch wa 

good-bye and went to bed i y interview to the Press 


rr“;o'p«roS Siis name will be remembeied 

by poslciny as that I had fallen from grace 

This was before he came to know tna 

with some circles in New ature rose to 105“ and 

On September 20, my mmpeMW gukhtankar, 

family doctors. Dr Nalhnbha. D Patel 
anived from Bombay „ Tt M Patel, N M Buch an 

On the 21st, V P Post.; and Telegraphs 

Kiishna Prasada, Director-General 

arrived m Hyderabad Pnnditii asking me to come to 

I received a telegram 1 ™“ Pand 
Delhi to attend a conference General Chaudhury. hut 

General Rajendrasmhji and k my bed 

as I was m the grip of typnoia, 



O NE of the minor casualties of the 

Agent General and the accompanied 

I my age, a protracted atuck of gphoid, accomp^^ ^ 

hy contmuous physiol tea tdl October 8, 

pretty serious attair ine lever y contact with 

and in the meantime my doctors en month 

the outside world After that I 

The auditory nerve of my left ‘^/'^“"^ober 8 was Swami 
The only person I saw u ‘°^"ltom Delhi and 

Ramananda TirUia He had just Congress When 

was going to Hyderabad lo forget and forgive 

he asked my advice, I ^®S8ed groups m the 

all that had happened and ^^*”5 ^ j^y Ramachar and 

Congress, one led by Hyderabad might prosper 

Ramaknshna Rao, together, so th y uyjjerabad and cx« 
This cost me his friendship He parnacliar Ramaknshna 
pelled about 500 Congressmen of tne xum 
Rao group much annoyed wlA 

Some of the army iSt they had got mio 

me They had expected Igd remove the NUam 

action, they would crash into felt that it was 

and make an end of the whole jgj. that had prevent- 

my foolish advice to the Nizam 

ed them from fulfilling their _ get up m Septeni 

Once the miliuny nnTsS <» 

ber. the Agent General s ^ useless but almost a 

as not only enUrely after I left for Bombaj, 

hostUe organisation Aeautlful library, the c<wUy 

my car T\*as commandeered {_^pnt together 'vith artic 

furniture end the houeeho W «l'‘>P”™‘*°®were In DaUh,m 
oi hlstoncal and cullurnl removed at short 

Sadati and the Agent-General s DcsWency 

nwlc- and dumped In a few small rooms 

building . Police Action I had taken i- 

I was glad that before the PoUce 

The author being corned from the aeroplane on a ttretcher at Santa Crve airport on September 22 19^ 


^vas, I understand, treated as ™^^”j"'“saidS°and the 
was sent back to his regiment ^ 

States and Defence Ministries ap nothing happened 

services should not go unapprecia a ggnt General s office 

In January, 1948, the s^ tf"u,t the p.emises 

was forced by the Nizams Hyderabad Residency I 

they had been occupying near the nnhtaiy 

had, therefore, accommodated After the Police Action 

barracks at Bolarum then at my dis^ Residency 

the Agent General’s office was ^ premises to the 

and the Improvement Board re-a Q^er on 

Agent General’s staff and promised to hand 
October 17 . _ favour of the staff 

In November the allotment . of the staff ^ 

was cancelled On November , beaded by 

piteous telegram to me orders depriving the Agent- 

the Military Governor has ^,,a-ters to which they were 

General’s staff of the residence, staff flU olice 

expected to move on the I7lh ^ reports about closing 

State perhaps justify action on " . . retention of lesiduiry 

down our office and ignoring po caused disappointmen 
office and Treasury all these months 

to the staff who have already suff«‘^ behalf of the staff 

I interceded with the Stales ^ "‘f^^^^.escue 
and I am glad to say that »<■ f Jo take into account the 
I wrote to the States staff at a critical 

services rendeied by several m Lg^alf of some of them J 
lime I had often to intervene on behai .^uthorilj 

writing letters or by personal convalescence I 

On returning from Matheran ^,,,ln,ent that 

saw Sardar T told him how bitter > 

had been meted out to my sla g made wild and rec * 

In the meantime, some ne«spapeis™ ft? s 

allegations against me My ' ^ replied on Octo 
wrote a letter to Sardar, to 

My dear bfiavalll«hn. ^ 

Your letter of the W ^ent with it notice 

lings o( the newspapers should 

very ofUn make doei an> ‘foJSni Wc 

of s.«ch attacks wh^ wtidv to speak tvU of h 
fold someone or the f^er wady to P^^^ ^onestlv, 
not 1« annoved at thU So long 


precaution of iending some articles of historic value, records 
and other books, to the National Archives through the South- 
ern Command. 

Tlie risks and agonies ivhich my staff had gone through 
)eiween January and September came to be looked upon as 
insignificant. I had written repeatedly to Sai-dar that it had 
done particularly good work and deserved recognition, but I 
vvas eliminated fiom the scene by sudden illness and what 1 
had written about it remained in the archives of the States 

The telephone between Dakshina Sadan and my house in 
Secretary in Secunderabad to enquire 
my health, was tapped; an appropriate return for the 
•''ins I had committed! 

rl.l- ‘“I'* “'’‘“S O' oomP 'P >ho “Wst ot 

the Govemn a Teasons to expect that when 

halinrhlw '"‘"0 'ook charge ot Hyderabad, they, as 

But when dangers, would receive some appreciation, 

was rcM wl h? >l>e members ot my stan later my heart 
looked ‘""‘•’Ofities in Hyderabad had 

were in as almost hostile aliens and those who 

admlrnstotion oolmngement between the new 

“^■s sh?re m T Secretary, and whatever my Secre- 
e^ bSnnL m " must be said that from the 

St tta n™, '“"on into confidence 
the Government i ^^'^ated as part of 

alter the Police Aclton^ ’’The’’ ™'‘' "J^'orahad 

Accnt-Gcnonl’c otr./. were no orders to close the 

it. and most of them^ rv therefore, could not leave 

for days. passed through an agony of humiliation 

sooil^' wwk^“"vMI imolIiBence oflicer, had done 

opinion cve^e u^rio^mihf."^ ^‘'"•‘oes. In my 

who came Into IWeraM Xh°,hr^ “®“'' 

tion, Vcnkatavsnih,;, .1 . ,.'.''0 ‘'‘-“P’ <'osen-ed recogni- 

mosl valuable work aiid “"‘OO''- >'ad done the 

With the Aecntre^ ‘‘"L'P-'""'"'' of them all. 
all or them wer^ thf S aSl . '"-om the world by fever, 
India. Major Vanda'. of the Government of 

lor Vandas deputation to me as the ABent-General 



W>.en I went to Delhi N— S<l“LTh"S 
were exceedingly nice hostility. According 

suSered, but in certain quaitc wrong. I esked 

to them, I had jhaVl should be treated 

Sardar about it ‘What have 1 pj a gross offence m 

by these people as U I ‘‘“1^ In Hyder?^^ 
helping the liquidation of the that you 

Sardar laughed, , nower Some others aie 

helped In hquidating the Itlch^ P j^e Nieam from 

angry that you did not allow th on me, 

Hjderabad straightaway. Some cannot vent 
and therefore make yon the targe ^jpioniatic in designa 
My mission in Hyderabad, thoug" a^o„t It arose frmh 
non, was not a normal " “Setwh “T 

a speciSo agreement whi^ ammunications On be 

ove? Defence. External Aflairs p that the N»m’s 

half of the Union, therefore, I had t faithfully. 

Government discharged tu par provisions My r® 

and conducted itself ^«r of the Hyderabad 

could not therefore be that of e jotrigues, the moves 
skies Pakistan and Pro-Pakislan j" attempts to aug- 
mdependence by the f” lanj for inteifermS "'“‘J' ^ an 

raent their armed forces an P , had to counteract 
mumcaltons-all these „ “out any direct parn- 

aettve manner to U.e extent I context of defence, 

cipation m overt measures reckon w 

internal order and ,, ^ of the Communists 

atrocities of the Bazakars as arrival m Hyderaba 

Prom the very Sam’s Government wbieh 

countered the hostility of passed by My pa ,n- 

cteasedm intensity as the ^nte^as^^ “"i to 

fore bristled with unexpect comfortable ro e 

stances I could have chosen “plajj 'near all around /nt 
content myself with ’>P^^^cri6ce of the ““"J, j would 
that would have been at t reposed m we, 

betraying the trust and of public duty The bacK^ 

have been foreign to my ^ j ^^d received had 

ground of my life, the ^mnS ^%overnment of M'J- '^ok 
Ld the faith which sardar *'other than the one I 
placed in me rendered any course 



criildsm is likely to hurt Therefore, you should not wony In 
any way. 

On November 6, I sent in my resignation of the office of 

In reply to my resignation Sardar wrote to me: 

1 am wnilng to acknowledge receipt of your letter dated 
tlie GUI Novcmiitr, m wnicn you rave lentlereu resignation oi 
your oBice as Agent-General for India In Hyderabad. The Gov- 
ernment of inaia are pleased to accept your resignation, which, 
we propose, may uke effect from the 15th November, 1943. 

You accepted the oflicc of Agent-General at a time when the 
rclaUon» betweerv Hyderabad and Iruha were very strained and 
you worked unremittingly and with single-minded devoUon to 
duty and at very great personal saenffee to bring the Hyderabad 
pioulcm to a succcsslul conclusion. The ten months during 
whicn you held the olCcc of Agent-General have been a momen- 
tous period in the history of Hyderabad and India. On behalf 
of the Oovcmmcni, 1 w-tsh to say that we are deeply conscious 
of the high sen&« of public duty that induced you to accept this 
ofhee and the scry ab.e manner In which you discharged the 
duties entrusted to you. which contributed in no small measure 
to the final result, 

V. P. Menon mentioned to me that I should write a report 
of my mission to Hyderabad, which the Government of India 
would publish. I told Sardar that if the report which I 
had submitted on the 10th were to be published, it would only- 
be a disconnected document and that I would prefer to write 
my memoirs in my own way. 

On November 21, the States Ministry issued the following 
Press Note: 

Sri K. M. Munshl has tendered resignation of his office of 
Agcni-Ccncral to the GovemiDent of India in Hyderabad and In 
the changed circumstances the Government of India have accept- 
ed the rcilgnatlon, with effect from the 15lh November 1018. 
Srt Mun^hl accepted the office of Agent-General In an honorary 
capacity at a critical stage In the relations between Hyderabad 
and India and he worked unremittingly and with single-minded 
devoUon to duty and at very great personal sacriflee to bring 
the Hyderabad problem to a successful conclusion. The Gov- 
ernment of India wUh to place on record their deep appreciation 
of the high seme of public duly that Induced Sri Munshl to 
accept ihli office and the very able manner In which he dls- 
ciurgi-d the duUcs entrusted to 



„,a„ao„..U,oCo„— .a3=.optca,^ 

allowed lo sink into oblivion, ^ ,t niy faith in God al- 
1 did For In moments of tf'tatPPh ^ 'thought was the will 
ways stood by me I oounUy should end with the 

of God that my usefulness to the counuj 

Hjdcrabad episode 

But He willed it olhenMse 



The bulk, of the people of Hyderabad wanted to share the 
freedom which their brethren in the rest of India had gained. 
India, again, could not have survived with an independent and 
hostile Hyderabad anchored to Pakistan. To expect me with 
such high stakes to remain a mere passive spectator of the 
nefarious activities of the Razakar fascists on the one hand 
and the ruthless Comntunists on the other, both of whom were 
a serious threat to the security of India, would have been the 
height of absurdity. 

I did not want to run away from my duty. Sometimes, 
I was weak enough to feel that I should get away from this 
job, but never for a long time. I felt that if I was not wanted, 
Sardar who called me to this office should recall me; if he did 
not, I had only to do what I thought was right and of which I 
kept him fully informed day after day, sometimes, even twice 
a day. 

With my limited capacity and the many handicaps under 
which I laboured, I did my best In the way I knew how and 
the way I could All my actions were guided by the demands 
of Indian Unity, which I always kept before me. And in all 
humility I carried out the mandate. I felt, God had given me. 

My greatest solace during these days was that I continued 
to enjoy the confidence of Sardar. 

To another letter of my wife, who had grown very sensitive 
about the newspaper attacks. Sardar replied on November 30: 
Public worker-! should be thick-skinned. We .should not 
Mre for dishonest ciillcs and 'jcandal mongers. We should not 
feel even hurt at what they do. Even Gandhiji did not escape 
attack-. No one has been able to eliminate wicked 
no reason to believe that what- 
fl, n ^ do ‘ihould be approved by ever>-one. We should not 
‘he comments of those who deliberately make 
S ^‘he what we do. They may 

Whether h3ve .some other reason.s. 

ami hon n *■ ^ appreciated or not, if the work h truly 

^ ‘ I "'nnld, therefore, 

ask you not to worry. 

Ml ht* I**”®' ^ disgusted at the way I was treat- 

Hyderabad episode. Soon after. 
Sn Goplnath Bardoloi, the then Chief Minister of As.-;am. with 
S If me to accept the Governorship of 

^ declined. I made U clear to Sardar that I had 
decided to resume my Interrupted work in the Constituent 



taccaui loans were given to ^e ^ their parents 

had been left fallow Student wh ^gj-e given to 

were provided with schoUirJtips b ipe 
the widows of those who had -_Jents Aid was given to 
awarded to their incapacitated carried housing mate 

the helpless for getting their chi repair of houses 

rials were supplied for the “^j^munists and 
damaged by the Razakars and th restored to their 

property looted by them was . detenus who had been 

owners Moreover hundreds of po released 

rotting m prison for months wit o immediately und^r 

Land reform on modern , ^j,g ^zams terrible 

taken and serf t khas the mam d-mocraticaUv 

power was taken over Its merge most anachronis 

governed Hyderabad marked 1 500 laeirs com 

tic svstem nf land ownership m . area of 

pn®ing 6 500 viHaees and covering 

State were abolished , ctaie was progress^ e 

The apparatus of a Governor and then un 

ly set u. at first under ‘I- ’"4ate 
a Council of Ministers J, „„derabad became a B Stai 

Constitution on January 26 1950 y Bajpmmnkh 

of the Indian Union with L the first General 
constitutional head Early m jg^ted on the basis 0 
set UD a Legislature m the Sta x,ig to it , 

franchise with a Government m Hyderabad 

The First Five Year Plan thirty irn-^n 

together with the rest the w Develnnment 

proiects were taken on hand a pooulation 

covering 4 000 villages and mv launched an 

mUhon^were set up A 

Operative movements were ^ facilities f P 

afforest the eroded lands ''y’’® 

health and medical aid muPm ‘ „ges were placed 

Hmd. and the reptonal “ma 

mg of equality with Urdu an ^ T 

of 5 000 or over was Pr°™^ ^ „se tor breeding 

University ceased to be a normallndian Univer 

conquistadors and began to foncUon as 
sity without any communal D 



W HEN the Indian troops entered Secunderabad on 
September 18, 1948, the population was stricken by 
fear. The State was empty of all beneficient activities 
and law and order simply did not exist. The administrative 
machinery, which had been inextricably mixed up with the 
Razakar movement, had completely collapsed. The budget of 
the preceding year showed a dehcit of no less than eight crores. 

As a result of the Police Action, the face of South India 
was changed. Normal conditions were restored in Hyderabad 
and the surrounding States. Business immediately resum* 
cd its natural course and the restrictions imposed by 
the Nizam’s Government on the free flow of trade were re- 
moved. The public services were opened to merit determined 
by open competitive tests. 

The Communist menace in the Nalgonda and Warangal 
districts necessitated large-scale operations by the Army and 
the special police from India which lasted for about four 
years. They were supplemented by intensive propaganda, 
repeated conferences, the establishment of new villages, the 
making of roads and the opening up of the jungles in which the 
Communists had dug themselves in. 

A very serious situation had been created by the Nizam’s 
policy of attractine Muslims from other parts of India to swell 
the local Muslim population. The activities of the Razalcars 
and the Communists had forced the Hindus in many parts of 
Indian provinces. Many 
Muslims of the State had also migrated to other parts of India 
J, clifficulties arising 

t of the vast devastations which had been wrought by the 
Itazakars and the Communists. ^ 

i.itiT’''' created by this situation had to be solved 

iS sem “‘tier parts of the Union 

in ■ u ^ ° =>">1 ‘he Hindus who had fled 

'“““les lo return to them. The 
Husltms who had suffered during the crisis, were resettled and 


the descendants o£ local “nv^- M djlleng TbT *0 

outlook towards the Hindus ot their supeno- 

Hmdus who developed a 6=™ “ („ As a result, the 

nty in race, religion and socw P cowardly The 

Muslims looked upon Hindus ^ submissions, har- 

Hmdus, bullied or coerced into hum 

toured a smouldering resentment more adapt- 

During the British regime, the Hi^u , 
able, acquired wealth, position and pr^ g slso gave 

and the equality which they 'forganization They 

scope to their mtelligence and p conquistador spint o 

were, theretore. able to challenge ‘he “ q ^„„csponding 
the Muslims in various parts of 

aggressiveness ^cniirtate their community 

1! the Muslmis tried to Islam, the Hindus re- 
strengthen It by convertmg ‘j'if'nj., 

acted by similar .ue Hmdus Sanskntized 

the Muslmis Aruhicised Urdu, the B ancestral , 

When the Muslims tried “ „ memoiy revered 

the conquerors of India the Hindu ca heroic deeds 

to«.eglo^ofUie pr-M«shm_P^cnod^^_,^^ Era of 

of those who fought the 

Resistance Muslims insisted o 

In the name of the public 

right to carry the the right to play 

'^ame time they denied the _ Hindus resisted 

public roads before the mosq nvt/Grful 

Muslim nots followed i.onalism scxm became a P _ 

But the new Indian ^ yestem 

force It was a uoon the Hindu an 

concept of nationalism, as a force b ^ 

India as the sacred Moth^h“d^ Jj73mallsecUonof Mush^^^ 

ovcrahelmingmajonlynf j ^doroinaUon 

together m the struggle to fight m ^ not o™ 

there were large sections »' ““f™thc rest of India ThW. 
share this group idea ol Indn'"'! ^1, ®o,ts, thus 

therefore challenged j^^css, enforced at all 

naUon Communal sepai^ naUonalism the 

became a chaUenge lo Ind'o"^ =VX te-’dc-s 

The Indian National ,„r scicral dec 

Instrument of Indian nationalism 


As normal conditions prevailed, the Police budget was 
considerably reduced. 

On November 1, 1956, the old Stale of Hyderabad, the lasst 
\esiige of the Mughal Empire, was dissolved. Its Telugu, 
Marathi and Kannada speaking subjects were joined to the 
people homogeneous to them in language and social structure 
m the neighbouring States. 

But for the Police Action, none of this would have been 

From a long tei m point of view, the collapse of Hyderabad 
was a significant event in the history of India, for the 
Nizam s rule was (he last and the most outworn relic of the 
Mughal Empiie. 

The Nizams would have been thrown on the scrap-heai) 
of hisloiy by llio Marathas long before the end of the 18th 
century, had not the East India Company maintained them in 
Its own Interest. After 1857, the British Crown kept them, to- 
gether with other Indian princes, in power as a potential 
reservoir of strength in the event of a country-wide anti-British 
outburst. Later, the Nizams were the most glittering pendants 
to the Imperial Crown, as also counter-weights against mili- 
tant nationalism The Nizam’s Hyderabad had, therefore, 
-urvived the British i-ulers were interested in main- 
taining them, though the people of the State had to pav a 
heavy price for it. 

As we saw befoie. the Nizam was permitted to function 
as .111 iircsi>onsil)lc potentate in matters of internal adminis- 
iration, in this respect, he was subject only to the control of 
Uic Bnti.'sli Ucsidcnt and through him, of the Governor- 
Ocneral He maintained his hold over the Slate because of 
the cnormou'- wealth which he had collected and with the help 
of a subservient feudal oi-der. as also with the support of the 
- luslim community which had a vested interest in maliitain- 
mg a iir^Muslim rule. AVhen freedom was in the offing, Nizam 
u-man \ 1 ! lo serve his own ends, began exploiting communal 
uiMon. He exercised his power with the aid of a vast array of 
the weapons which had been at the disposal only of medieval 
y- pationagc arbitrary power, espionage, intrigue 
leMHure.s and religious fanaticism. 

In the pre-British days, the uiban Muslims, mostly 


s.. . U.e country these etetnenu became atttent ptota.o„ts. 
of the policies of the Muslim Congress mstalled 

Once Pakistan was conceded ^ lost its hold ovei 

m office at New Delhi «)mmima among most 

vast sections of the Hindus ^1^^ curbed at least 

of the Muslims who remained in 

on the surface ^rpated little impression on 

But these new ^erabad Like the Bourbons 

the North Indian Muslims of ^ anything The Itte- 

and Stuarts they never learnt or ^dian Muslims was 

had inspired and dominated mostly y ambition thcrc- 

also aided by local advenlu^rs of communal 

fore was to build a m^ /.rumbling edifice of the Sta 

aggressiveness in India on t e object 

Kasim Razvi was their with or without tj^o 

ed was to establish f ^Tbad then of the South 

aid of Pakistan first of Hyd 

ultimately of the whole of In^a 

Had this attempt succe^ed *t 'v a free 

powerful a Hindu c arrested its march ^ 

democracy in India It wou of the H 

wards a modern democratic , ..gj caustrophe once f 
therefore scr\ ed to bury this P® ^^lem became m‘^“l . 

In Hyderabad the communal problem ,d 

the problem of Indian ^" ..jon between the two p 
was the fir«t to draw the d»stm Muslims 

The commuml problem re j qo\ ernment The p . 

with the Hindus under one C'" “ 3„d posluon 

ot the Princes retch cd ''“'“‘egrated 
dynasties after the States ^ problem of I le 

Tor independence tt as the p ^ ^ liypnour 

For many yoa.s the special I«n™n m In^ 

British into the belief that pppppnn that Ph®,^.°ppson the 
He was therefore ttnadous Can.phelUohn»n^tW 

^inate hU <‘>"“*1= ,hal the fate a he 

Nizam was reported to » concern of his were 

the other Princes m „i,oin ccruin Tlie 

regarded them as noblcm »^ijams lack of re ^ 

duo This altitude 'ho"^ h ' the BntPh was one 
Indian suites system tjealrf ^ ,„e Ws and 

indlMslblc U drew no diswncu 



dominated by llahatma Gandhi and his devoted band of 
followers, both Hindus and Muslims, It exercised great self- 
restraint, But for it, Muslim separativeness would have led 
to the growth of fierce Hindu a^ressiveness. 

When the transfer of power from the British -to Indian 
liands became a clear possibility, the separativeness which 
dominated certain sections of Muslims found expression in 
growing demands. They wanted separate electorates; com- 
munal weightage; then, a balance of Hindu-Muslim provinces 
m the Federal government; later, a claim to equality of repre- 
sentation with the Hindu community. In this way they 
blocked the progress towards freedom for several years. 
Ultimately, when freedom was at hand, this separativeness 
took the shape of a blunt refusal to live in the same country 
and a determination to establish a separate homeland. 

The Indian revolution was principally backed by moral 
forces. Naturally therefore, national India could not be a 
party to retaining the areas predominantly occupied by 
Muslims against their wishes. 

When the Mughal Empire was disintegrating, whatever 
dignity and power the Nizams possessed was upheld by an 
arUlocracy composed of Muslims and Hindus. When the 
Nizams found themselves weak against the Paramount Power, 
they also found that they could develop internal strength only 
by uniting or parting the two communities and producing 
shifting alliances as the occasion demanded. In this game of 
maintaining a balance of power, the Nizams often found the 
Hindus more dependable. This earned for the Nizams the 
reputation of being fair lo both the communities. 

But with Muslim separativeness growing in strength in 
° India, these old traditions were soon forgotten. 

Hyderabad was the largest State in the country, with 
usman VII at its head, a ruler anxious lo draw strength from 
co^unalism to maintain his autocracy. Muslim ad- 
outside the State and even from abroad were, 
Slate. Many of these new entrants 
ir^^i *^*^^^*y services had no local associations, and 

upon the Hindus as inferior aliens. As a result, once 
become the Head of an Islamic State, the 
fatties of the North who held power in tlie State emerged as 
a source of strength. During the decades of communal ten- 



accepted as ai^mtegral part ol our democrauc soctety, wou 
have come to be looked upoa as hos egregious in- 

lithe Pohca Action had to loLidable 

science ol the Razvi group .^^^rced into the arms 

dimensions The Hindus would ha ^ spread not 

of the communists The ement States 

only in the border districts of I security would 

but m the whole of the South .nfiltration made easy 

have been endangered and Conunu gopdanty, the integra- 
In India’s onward march to t^e The Nisam 

tion of the Prmcely States was on y disregard of the 

and the Ittehad barred the way * , . t,on of the nation, 

forces which were leading to the mobilising com- 

they hoped to isolate the people of the Stale oy 
munal fanaticism smterober 1948, parochia- 

When Hyderabad ISt armed battle 

listn as well as communalists met an 

By the Police Action, “J ‘my which had been 

internal chaUenge, they '"'“f 'J'Uo„ 
denied to them by the _ljad episode, therefore, an 

With the close of the Hyderabau p 
era came to an end 



rulers. But the Nizam lived in bye-gone times when the 
Mughal Emperors called the ancient rulers of Rajasthan mere 

If the Nizam had little xeaUsm, he had less knowledge of 
history. He could never realize that Hyderabad owed its birth 
to the turmoil of 18th century politics in India; its continued 
existence, to spoon-feeding by the foreign power. When he 
saw that the British had decided to withdraw from the country, 
he thought that he could easily fill the vacuum of power by 
communal fascism, with lumself as its head and symbol. 

Throughout the eighteen months during which India was 
being integrated, the Nizam was the master of the situation in 
Hyderabad, except during the last few days before the Police 
Action. The delegations which went to and fro, the pinch- 
beck Feuhrer and his Razakars, the Laik Ali Ministiy and the 
army, only played their allotted part in an orchestra, of which 
the Nizam himself was the conductor. 

No doubt, the personalities of Kasim Razvi, Laik All, Moln 
Nawaz Jung and others cannot be forgotten. However, neither 
the part they played nor the communal aspect should be allow- 
ed to overshadow the reality of the situation. It was a game 
of power politics, in which a medieval dynasty struggled to 
survive the revolutionary changes in Indio. The communal 
and religious factors were only brought into play to help the 
Nizam in carrying on the struggle. 

When viewed in the context of the process which transform- 
ed India into a free and united nation, the Hyderabad episode 
was an unhappy one; in a sense, it was disgraceful. During this 
process, a large number of Indian Princes, spurred on by patriot- 
ism, or prompted by a sense of the inevitable, made great sacri- 
fices and came out unscathed from the ordeal. For some of 
them, like the rulers of Udaipur, Bikaner, Jodhpur, Mysore, 
Baroda and Jaipur and their advisers, history would have noth- 
ing but undiluted admiration. Had they stood out, India’s 
destiny would have been frustrated. Of them all, the Nizam 
alone could not stand the test, and in the dying struggle of an 
institution which was doomed to death, he went down before 
the inevitable forces of the history. • • 

If Hyderabad had remained unintegrated with the rest of 
India, the country would have felt outraged. The communal 
fascism of the Ittchad would have developed into a civil war be- 
tween the communities. The Muslims of India, who had been 

appendix I 

. httr *9 1941 signed by the Indian 
Standstill Agreement dated November . 

Bn, on n„a Hyderabad. November Nineteen 

Agreement made this Do„.,„,on ol md.a and the 

Hundred and Forty-seven between tne 

Nizam of Hyderabad and Be^ . Donunion of India ant 

Whereas it is the aim together in close asso 

the Nizam of Hyderabad both, but a final a^e^ 

ciation and amity for the mutual relauonship between the 

inent as to the form and nature of the reia 
has not yet been reached of both parues that 

And whereas it is to the cements m matters of com- 
ing agreement and adminlstraUv® agreement as aforesaid, 

mon concern should, pending such 

continued, . ._*ed as follows— ,, 

Now, therefore, it is ^ ,n this behalf are ’ . 

Aiucle 1 -Until new ‘'^^'“"Limenu as w 
agreements and adnumstrawe a Affairs. Defence and 
common concern, Including .be Crown and the vg 

wuons, which were «isung between “ ®"Lrt 

mediately before the 15th Dominion of India (or any P 

appropriate, continue as between the Domin 
thereof) and the Nizam. impose any obligauon 

Nothing herem contained intPnance of 

any right on the Domimon Nizam m the maint 

(1) to send troops to assist tn 

internal order, Hyderabad territory e«ept ^ 

(il) to station troops m 1 X NUa® whl^ \\-itli- 

war and with ^he consent of^e^ of ihe 

unreasonably %vithheld, any g raonlhs 

drawn from H>deral»d territory 

termination of bostibue^ ^ ibe ^^*®^to®appolnt 

ArUde 2 -The of this Agreement jPfacl- 

ihe better execuUon of the P“^“Lj5vely. and to give etery 
Agents In Hyderabad and Del functions. _ ^Q^x)• 

lity to them for the discharge o shall ®ja^onshlp 

Arudb 3-(i) Nolb»8 I”"'’?,”'." to piSbd>“ 

duce paramountcy functions o nothing done j 

(11) Nolhlbg bar™ ot ^ „o,b. 

bareof shall be deemed tb,5 agram® ^^,,1 

wnllnubig after the date ot ‘enbin Kr tbla 

big herein contained and w rl^ht which, but after iho 

ho HoamArl rloT-nirnti 

wntlnuing after the dale of tennm ^ this agree- 

ing herein contained and no right which, but 
be deemed to derogate from Jlgn „ U 

ment, would have been exereisaoe 
date of termination hereof. 

appendix u 

. iti« r*altcd Uigtincss the Nliaiu 

Letter dated November 29, 194’ 

H„ ExcUenoy the ^ 

I regret that we have between Wderatad ^ 

as to the eventual nature of the knows, I have . 

the Dominion of India As either Dominion, but, s 

prepared to contemplate ddceas yj. covernme 

Ihii, I have been ready to MBO^^ rstandstUl Agreement which 
any other basis I am now “''^ScellWs Government are alw 
I in prepared to execute If Yo^ „e Uvat al“ ^ 

prepared to sign it It “ 'JJSble to do mote for the pres nt 

protracted negotiations we are . , ^ such changes as , . yj 

earn, on exisUng arrangements band. It 

ture ol paramountcy deposes- 0 ^uuniy and the 1“^^ mat 
put an end to the present stem ol a year means “at 

Agreement now to be “ecutrt ^ loJ»“ ^ uHe„Uon more W » 
both Govemmenu will te able ‘ constant Sion wo 

the problems of a'i^hlstraiion jj^j^nshlp To Ruling the 

the question of our constituuona confident that, If g^nd* 

shall eventually have to the termf bo 

next sear, our association in acco^« Ly al^oc“e»t 

sUU Agreement Is marKed by g j, 3 sundsdU 

more Ukely at the end of that 1 regard SUn 

as to the nature of our long ter vour GoNern- 

Agreement accordingly as J ^ ^ your Excellency and^ 

ii ® sf Sy.nghts « ^ 

greement I am in no way ^ course of these 

idependent so>ereign. but I am of of certain 

)me Important respects sus^n form will neccs- 

ghu during the to this SUnsemenU. 

2. It is plain that an Agi^® ^ lo particular 

mate a good deal of ySir Government 1® posts. tel<> 

in this conneidon I learn . arrangements fo mderabad 

as possible to '^S'^Serabad to be worl^ “ ajjl. 

graphs and telephones wUhtol^^^ sj-stem- Jh io the 

sislem in hanSony wi^ ®^Forces. « *1^®' 

don. problems about the 1*^ ^ our covcmmen jUdera- 

troops and their edtilpmenl, which Au^^ mwmal 

cuss In the light of Iho fact ih^® suUoncd 

bad Forces and PoUco avail^» *® bacldng of the t has 

order could no longer ”'^-^^Paraxaount jxUcrln-^hlcf 

In and near the SUle by t^® Military Ach^^ i^^cellencys 

already been discussed "ith ^ ^ doubt that i 
wlUi hU successor, and i ha 



Article 4.— Any dispute arising out of this agreement or out of 
agreements or arrangement hereby continued shaU be referred to 
the arbitration of two arbitrators; one appointed by each of the par- 
lies, and an umpire appointed by those arbitrators. 

Article 5. — This agreement shall come into force at once and 
shall remain in force for a period of one year. 

In conflrmatlon whereof the Governor-General of India and the 
Nizam of Hyderabad and Berar have appended their signatures. 


26 t 

. ^ that date and has continued 
and was largely ^^^e'^points stiU outstanding in 

sines There ere j^Jisdietion on the pert of 

this regard in reletlon to j j^sume that 

the Itallivays re.tored to Hyderabad, 

Bueh jurisdiction Md lte W^ote yre^ 

5 It is of course "'“"‘'“‘i ^,™Bhts are in no uay impair^ 

matteis as currency coinage and "6^ „ Excellency 

by the SUndstill Agreement but g j 

trauld give me on express 

lust referred conUnue “„,,„„ity of suggesung that m 

6 I should llhe to take should agree as a 

relaUon to passports the Dominion o hecommg urgent to the CUcf 

of convenience In ai question appropriate oIBcer issuing 

secretary of my Government MMme other WP aonnlersigncd by 

passports to Hyderabad subjects 

the Dominion , ,_,ft this Agreement boi 

7 I am sure that In „ “event subversive move 

Governments intend to do all taken 

part, I propose to Issue a f*™’” „ghts and interests of all my 
my firm resolve to or creed 

subjects alike Irrespective of caste 


Government will have no objection to making any adjustments in 
these respects and indeed in other cases of the same character, (having 
their origin in the exercise of paramountcy functions) which are 
already apparent or which may come to light in giving effect to the 
general provision contained In Article I of the Standstill Agreement. 
So far as arms and equipment are concerned, I understand Your 
Excellency’s Government are ready ai^ willing to provide Hyderabad 
with the necessary requirements of its Forces and Police. It is only if 
for any reason tlie Dominion Government cannot supply such require- 
ments within a reasonable time that 1 shall approach other sources 
of supply and then only after previous Intimation to your Government. 

3. There is also the question wliich has been much discussed 
between my Delegation and the representatives of your Government 
about diplomatic and trade representatives for Hyderabad abroad. I 
am prepaied to execute the Agreement on the understanding that 
the Government of the Dominion will lake no objection to the main- 
tenance of the Hyderabad Agent-General In U.K. or to the appointment 
o! similar represeniavWes in any other country. I shall be prepared 
to arrange for the complete co-ordination of the work of these re- 
presentatives %vlth the diplomatic and commercial representatives 
of the Dominion of India in such countries and to Inform 
you in advance of any representatives whom 1 may decide to appoint 
I am confident that Your Excellency’s Govenuuent will be equally 
ready to co-operate with mine in regard to import and export trade 
of Hyderabad. 

4 There arc several malten, which have been outstanding 
between us for some time and which 1 should like to see cleared out 
of the way as soon as the agreement comes into force: 

(ll No Paramountcy (unctions remain to be exercised nor was 
the Hyderabad Residency retained except as a house fur' 
the British Resident when there was one in the past. In 
these circumstances. I should be glad if your Government 
would now hand it over to Hyderabad. Suitable arrange- 
ments can be immediately made about the Treasury and 
your Treasury Officials. 

(ii) It is urgently necessary that arms, equipment and, in parti- 
cular, ammunition should be immediately made available to 
Hyderabad. We have had no supplies since July and the 
shortage Is interfering with the training of the Hyderabad 

(ill) In the same way, there has been difficulty In securing tJie 
importation of 'soft' vehicles for the use of the Army and, 
in the special arcumstances of Hyderabad you will appre- 
ciate the importance of mobility having regard to the areas 
to be covered. 

(Iv) I understand that the last of the Dominion troops stationed 
in Hyderabad will be removed in the course of the next 
month and 1 shall be glad of confirmation of this matter. 

(V) The transfer to Hyderabad of all jurisdiction ivithin the 
State was agreed In principle before the 15th August, 1947 


,3, My Government wnl help your Government m eeeurmg the 
vehicles that they reomre c„„ernment that the troops 

(4) It Is the deflnite ht“h'““’ territory should be pro 

at present stationed agreed programme and 

gressivcly wittdravm “^(^“■Je compSted by the end ol 
that the withdrawal shouia oe 

February 194S at the latest regardmg the rctroces 

(5) On the points >•0”“"™ ^ Ik discussed mth my Govern 

Sion of jurisdiction, ™ „ as he is appointed 

m-nt by your representauve Highness that your 

5 I am authorised to ^ ^ postal matters wUl m no 

riehts sn rceard to currency, coinage 

ivay be impaired by the standsliU “^^“iJ.esUon of passpotu men 
G My Government mil ""^ey S '“"y 

Uoned in paragraph 6 of your lette 

you In this respect. . ^nd 8 of your ig 

7 With reference to Exalted Highness 

Government of India desire harmony and to 

their earnest desire to PtomoK ‘ wholeheartedly with >» 

peace and aecurlty and they will cooperate 

to that end. . ..,,v eiencd by me 

8 I enclose the agreement duly ign 


Letter dated November 29, 1947 from Ilia Excellency the Governor- 
General to His Exalted Highness the Nizam. 

I acknowledge with thanks the receipt of Your Exalted Highness’s 
letter, dated 29th November and the Agreement. While my Govern- 
ment and I note that Your Exalted Highness has no intention of 
acceding to Pakistan, we very much regret that you should have been 
unable to execute an Instrument of Accession with India. Both my 
Minister for Stales In his Statement of the 5th July and I myself In 
ray speech of the 25th of July to the representatives of the States 
have made it clear that It is the earnest desire of the Government of 
India to maintain the sovereignty of the States and to work with 
them as full partners in the administration of the three subjects pro- 
posed for accession. My Government cordially reciprocate your hope 
that, given goodwill on both sides, the working of the StandsUU 
Agreement will provide a basis for a satisfactory long-term solution. 
Placed aa Hyderabad is. its Interests are inextricably bound up with 
those of India; and my Government hope that before the present 
agreement expires, it will be possible for Hyderabad to accede to the 
Dominion of India. 

2. My Government will be prepared to discuss with your represen- 
tative as soon as possible the question of handing over the posts, 
telegraphs and telephones; and also the future strength and equip- 
ment of the Hyderabad Forces. 

As regards the supply of arms and equipment, the Dominion 
Government will be able to supply your legitimate requirements, 
o. My Government have no objection to your maintaining an 
gent-General in London and appointing similar representatives else- 
where, if necessary, in this connexion they are very glad to have 
yoi^ assurance, to which you Avill appreciate that the Government 
Of India attach great importance, that the acUvities of such represen- 
tative wdl be fully coordinated with Uiose of the representatives of 
wiU be confined to matters properly 
relating to trade and commerce. 

certainly prepared to cooperate 
with Hyderabad fully in regard to its Import and export trade. 

mv “ paragraph 4 of your letter, 

my Government have authorised me to say as follows:— 

^ Residency buildings at 

yderabad will be returned to your Government as soon as 
aitematiTC accommodaUon promised by you is made available 
,,, Treasury and officials employed there. 

£ necessary action in regard to 

hat of arms and ammunlUon for which an Indent 

has been received from your Government 



I Uiow that Hon ble Highnis had found 

Into Domlnta Ws however „uey to secure agreemeiUj 

culUes In the State and consistent wl o ^dtion 

not by coercion but os far as jMsstWe^vto ^ overall P^tloii 
EoodwiU on both sides and j nature a'a" cE any 

n India tve felt that an asroemen‘ “ “ „„r the absence of any 

penod, uould have considerable ad'»"™ ,vould 0”““' 

agreement whatsoever The Pa"f it b hoped pave the "aJ 
0! ns to forge closer relations and would 
for a permanent accession Hyderabad does 

The settlenrent makes it so is "fp tSh 

to accede to Pakistan This « ‘ “f matrfcstly bound up w> 
placed as Hyderabad Is Us dcsimy 

that o! India , , Members of Uns House « 

1 fully realise that _~,jerai>ly concerned o 

the Public outside have Now existing 

penlngs m the State m a wholesome ® .he relations 

reached I am sure It will innuence on the r^ 

situation and will exercise a State and forward 

bptuedin ♦;,« rrtmmunltie* both m looK w- 

can thus put these bappenl^ cordiality wnl J*' , have 
to a relationship in which will enable that as 

masphere will thus be ^ '''jSes 1 am «X^and cor 
left the State to return to tbeir of me > 

this settlement is Intended to We on our pa 

dial relations it will bo , mopo'als for 

do our best to secure this gy to the fact tha P ^ g^^g^t 

I ^.ould also like to the accession 

constitutional reform'^ are now engS quesUon ^ g it is the 
cd Highness On this as the ultimate 

1 hope he will reidily aS^®® <je his of this prm 

111 of the people that should the triumph ^g^ojnes 

iMstakable signs In Exalted which others can 

clple and I feel certain ihnt Hi ^ example w 

a Ruler of his pre eminent posiuou 

follow u,.nuld like me to i governor 

Finally I am sure the Hous E*®®^^y”SnUsion to the 

our sense of appreciation of " . guch a bappy 

General has done In bringing 
prolonged negotiations 


Statement dated November 29. 1917, ia the Indian Parliament by Sar- 
dar Vallabhbbal Patel, Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for 

With your permission, Sir, 1 should like to make a statement 
on the result of the negotiations with the Hyderabad Government on 
the future relationship between that Stale and the Government 
of India. The House \vlll recall that I stated on the floor of this 
House that this was the last phase of these negotiations. I am happy 
to say that an agreement has been reached and I lay on the table 
of the House a copy of the Agreement, signed this morning, as well 
as a copy of the collateral letters exchanged between H.E.H. and 
H.E. the Governor-General. 

As the House is aware, it was In July last that we initiated nego- 
tiations ^vith the Stales for their accession to the Dominion of India, 
\vhlch, due to the spirit of cooperation evinced by the Rulers, re- 
sulted in the accession before the 15ih August of all States except 
Hyderabad, Kashmir and Junagadh. We had negotiations with re- 
presentatives of His Exalted Highness the Nizam at the same time. 
I do not wUh to take the House through the many phases of the 
negotiations. I need only say that when 15th August came no agree* 
ment could be reached. At the same time, His Exalted Highness 
the Nizam was anxious not to break off jjegoiiatlons and accoi'dingly 
at hh request we decided to give him an extension of two months 
within which to finalise his attitude when the negotiations were re- 
Fumed. His Excellency the Governor-General, with the concurrence 
of the Cabinet, undertook to continue them on our behalf. He had 
several meetings with the Delegation sent by His Exalted Highness, 
ana about a month ago a complete agreement had resulted but owing 
to developments of which the House Is aware, the old Delegation 
resided and a new one tvas sent by His Exalted Highness the Nizam 
P*3ce, During the negotiations with the new Delegation, we 
adhered to the stand we had already taken and finally the agree- 
succeeded in obtabnng from the present 
Delegation, Is exactly the same as we had negotiated with the old 

Under this settlement, all agreements and administrative ar* 
matters of common concern, which formerly existed 
between the Crown RepresentaUve and the Hyderabad State, except 
'I”!,? function, are to be continued as between the Gov- 
ernment of India and the Hyderabad State for a period of one year. 
fVi! arrangements cover a wide variety of mat- 

v,« the three subjects on which accession of all the States 

External Affairs and Communica- 



ference held in July and No\ ember, 194^ with the Military Advi$er* 
jn-Clnef and the Commander in Cb^ In India respectively, to con- 
sider the augmentation of the strength of the Hyderabad Army is 
supplied But I presume no specific sanction was accorded by the 
Government of India to the raising of the strength of the Army and, 
if this presumption be correct, you will agree that the increase in the 
strength that has been effected remains unauthorised 

5 I fear J remain unimpressed with the claim made in para- 
graph H of the Note for raising the strength of the Hyderabad Army 
to 60.000 on the ground that such a large force is required for defence. 
The responsibihly for the defence of Hyderabad against external 
aggression having been transferred to the Dominion Government 
under the Standstill Agreement, you will agree that no claim for an 
increa-se in the Slate Army can be founded on the plea of the defence 
of the State against external aggression. 

6 As regards Internal Security, I have not so far received the 
usual Annual Keturn, long overdue under the old arrangement, 
showing the present strength, organisation and equipment of the 
'Army, Pohee and Irregular Forces. I am not therefore In a position 
to assess their sufficiency or otherwise for purposes of Internal Secu- 
rity or their armament requirements. 

7 In this conneMon I must point out that the most serious 
menace to the mtemal tianquilhty of the State and of all the border- 
ing areas is the Ittehadl Organisation whlcli thrives mainly on the 
patronage and support of your Government Its avowed object is to 
secure the sovereignty of Hyderabad which, according to its declared 
doctrines, vests in the Muslim subjects of the Nizam Its vcklunteer 
Force is 1^0,000 strong and its leader, Mr. Kasim Bazvl, has recently 
^appealed for stepping up recruitment by 3,50,000 more volunteers. 
This organisation provides a fertile source of recruitment to the Stato 
Army and Police Forces. Its volunteers, Hazakars, operate 
throughout the State In close coUaboraUon with the Sute Army and 
Police Forces. They spread a reign of terror amongst the non Muslim 
population of the State and it is common Knowledge that, although 
they have been indicting widespread injury on persons and pro- 
perty, they are generally immune from the processes and penalties 
of Law Assisted by the State Pohee and Military they frequently 
conduct raids on the neighbouring Provinces of the Dominion. After 
a dose study of the facta and making eiery allowance for panicky 
reports, I have been drlien to the conclusion—and I have no doubt 
any impartial tribunal %vlli equally come to the some conclusion — 
that the Itazakors are a Private Army operating In the State with 
the actl\e aid and co-operation of the present Government; that they 
are a principal contributory iaclor to the general Insecurity prevail- 
ing not only In Iljderabad but also In the neighbouring Provinces; 
and that they therefore constitute a threat to the security of India, 
\%hlch is a matter of common concern to the Goternmenl of India 
ami the Nizam’s Government. 

a. 5ty conclusion Is more than justified by the professed aim 
of the Hazokar activities as openly announced by Kasim Bazvl, Uie 


Letter dated February 28, 1948 from Shri K. M. Munshi, Agent-Gene- 
ral ol the Government ot India In Hyderabad to Rlir Lalk Ali, 
Prime Minister ot Hyderabad. 

I have read, the note sent to my Secretary, on the Defence Agree- 
ments and Arrangements existing on the 15th August. 1947, In reply 
to my D.O. letter No. L.S. 7, dated the 7th February, 1947, addressed 
to you. 1 presume that your Exemal Affairs Secretariat had pre- 
pared the Note In order that it may serve as a basis for our further 
talks regarding the scope of the agreements and arrangements. 

2. The Note, I must hasten to observe, does not correctly , state 
the constitutional position as it existed before the 15th August, 1947. 
"The responsibility for the Defence of India Including Hyderabad had 
been vested In the Crown; it was Ujerefore Incumbent on the Nizam to 
cooperate by doing evcrjdhing required to be done by the Crown as 
being necessary for the efficient discharge of that responsibility and 
further by abstaining from every course of action declared dangerous 
to the common safety or the safety of other States or Provinces. 
The binding nature of such agreements and arrangements, under 
which the Crown exercised its rights, responsibilities and Jurisdiction 
m the matter of defence, has been accepted by the Standstill Agree- 

3. Without prejudice to the generality of the constitutional 
position as stated above, the Indian States Forces Scheme, 1039, 
which Hyderabad had voluntarily joined, enjoined certain definite 
rights and obligations on the Crown as well as the Stale in regard to 
Defence. I agree that the Scheme was voluntary in that it was in 
the discretion of the Stales to join It or not, but I cannot subscribe to 
the view that once a Stale Joined the Scheme it was open to it to 
withdraw from It whenever It liked. The power of withdrawal from 
the Scheme lies entirely in the discretion of the Crown and may be 
exercised with or without the agreement of the Slate concerned. I 
am sure you \vill agree that, in so far as Hyderabad Is bound by the 
Indian States Forces Scheme, even apart from the obligations flowing 
from the responsibility which the Government of India has in regard 
to the Defence of India, the contentions in paragraphs 2 and 6 of the 
Note that no restriction could be imposed on the strength of the 
Hyderabad Army, and that information in respect thereof could be 
supplied merely as a matter of courtesy, could hardly be upheld. As 
I do not possess information regarding the reservations subject to 
which Hyderabad joined the Scheme. I am not in a position to appre- 
ciate to what extent any of the provisions of the Scheme may be held 
not to apply. 

4. I note that Hyderabad has taised the strength of its Army 
from 13,660 to 22,393. I would be grateful if the Minutes of the Con- 



President of the Iltchad ul-ilusllmin In no uncertain terms. The Pre- 
sident of the Itlehad-uI-ilusUroln has appealed for 5 lakhs of Ilaza- 
kars. He has stated that women are also being prepared for a fight 
on the borders of Hyderabad, which necessarily Implies a war with 
India. He has openly declared again and again that Hyderabad is 
an Islamic State and the sovereignty therein vest* In the Muslims 
of Hyderabad. He haa called upon the Razakars to liberate the 
Muslims of India from the Covemmcni of Imlla and has charged 
my Government with supplying arms to those who carry on violent 
political activities In Hyderabad. These pronounccrocnU, coming as 
they do from the President of the Party to which a majority of the 
Ministers in your present Government owe allegiance, are calcubted 
to Inilamc the Muslims of the State and In the whole of India against 
the non-Muslims and the Dominion of indlx 

0. Although by my letter No. IXj/L.4/7, dated the llth Febru- 
ary, 1948, I protested that the attacks on the Government of India 
should be stopped, I have been vouchsafed no reply. The activities 
of the Razakars are proving so serious a menace to the tranquillity 
of South India as uuuld. In my opinion, attract the Defence Power 
■of the Dominion Government. I am sure, however, that you will 
agree with me that cv'ery possible ezideavour should be made to 
■obviate the need of Invoking it. 

10. I should therefore like to have your assurance that, La the 
interest of the security of India, your Government will be willing to 
cooperate with the Government of India by withholding all aid to 
the Utchad-ul-Mutlireln organisation so as to incapacitate It* Raza- 
kara from proving a menace to the security and tranquillity of India 
and, if the Government of (ndla so desire, banning the organisation 
■altogether, os has been done In the case of the R.S.S. organisation 
in the Provinces and States of India. 

11. As regards the supply of arms and equipment mentioned 
in paragraph 12 of the Note, you will agree that the whole question 
•of Defence under the Standstill Agreement being indivisible Is not sus- 
ceptible of piecemeal treatment As soon as a satisfactory settle- 
ment is reached in respect of all outstanding matters relating to 
Defence, I have no hesitation In assuring you that the Union Gov- 
ernment will supply all the arms and equipments required for such 
Security Services as are essential. In so far as the supply position 
will permit. 

12. I have set out my tentative views above with a view to 
facilitate further talks on the subject, and I should be grateful for 
an early reply and I will always appreciate an early opportunity 
of discussing with you the Defence Agreements and ArrangemenU 
-under the Standstill Agreement in order that we may be able to pave 
-Vhe -«ay ior successtul taUu a% DeRd. 

appendix VI 

. ~ Qfiri K. M. »Iu“shi to Sardar 

Letter dated February 29, 19^* 

Vallabbbhai Patel. ,„„raisal of the economic 

In this letter, I pro^se to eve '“TcurSw 

position of Hyderabad. The on the ® nS 

pulation (vide my letter to insistence on Hyde- 

Ordlnanoe, dated February 2& ■ ®'ive hard 

in foreign countries and surplus ivide uPmd j^^isell- 

rabad equivalent to its Agreement) are P so 

. cussion with Laik All on ^ economically so e Sttlement, 

planned scheme to make Hy^ra difficult- In future 
powerful as to make Ind a s ^ ^ of appraisal of 

the economic factors should ._,nend« ‘A «wires are taken 

2. Exports and H^lerabad. “Po” 

the export and Import - *j,g state and can 

from notes of official record <» _ resources. . _ the 

the export and Import - *j,g state and can 

from notes of official tjieir resources. ^ op the 

showing their latest «*tima _ ^ppment have impo mdiai 

s. Recently the Nlaams affected 

The Appendix ‘ttd‘f!"%Sergent=y- Snomic self suO- 

we can bring In case of noooiy fof kIx 

13 a very efficient otte. Mt. ^tica! ”JonoP^^er. ^ 

dency and power ^ g pursued h”„?w 111 lose their 

weU-planned s^eme ,lo« ,pdla and^^™ ^ 

'r,“& £ u.y r'ii,‘,ra and «»th- 

other ‘ 

bargaining fm®- “I'^STHlderabad Bombay 

Id the right to l®^%clty U deffie^ by 

If trans^rt present (unt) rig^Uy. 

matter of ^^®\„oonslt^ *‘^v**^IXccan Airwajs U. 

IS been largely >'®^^^ays.-The Dccca* 

5 Tbe Peccan AlrwaJ 



considered by the Nizam's Government as Its lifeline of sovereignty. 
When it suits them, they claim that It is a foreign service. It runs 
across India from Delhi to Bangalore and Madras connecting North 
and South India. It Is planning to contact Karachi and Chittagong 
for securing essential imports. It Is run by the State but there is a 
scheme for its nationalization, so that even the minority shares held 
by Tatas and others may be taken over. 

6. Aerodromes. — Handing over of the Haklmpet Aerodrome to 
the Nizam’s Government has been a blow to our control of commu- 
nications. Hyderabad Is building four other aerodromes. Govern- 
ment of India only controls the Wireless Station, though I am inform- 
ed that messages are sent out to Karachi from the Station. On 
other papers I have advised that the Government of India should 
strengthen its inspection powers of these aerodromes. 

7. Claims to Territorial Sovereignty.— Pursuant to the sanction • 
given by you to my proposal, I contacted the Honlile Haft Ahmad 
Kidwai, Communications Minister, whose prompt action enabled an 
Indian Company— whose application was in his file, the Indian Over- 
seas Airways, Ltd.,— to secure a license. But there was resistance. 

I am sorry to say, from the heads of his department, who, In spite 
of the political importance of this matter, were very’ reluct^t. The 
license was, however, obtained; the service was opened on 28th Feb- 
ruary, 1943. As a result, Hyderabad Government naturally was seri- 
ously perturbed. They have sent protests. Moln Nawaz Jung told 
me that their territorial sovereignly was intrlnged. If the claim U> 
territorial sovereignty is admitted, our control over communications 
would disappear. 

8. Central Control of Communications.—! may draw yova atten- 
tion to the supreme Importance of reulning control of AU-lndia 

(a) Deccan Airways should not be permitted to treat itself as 
a foreign line, nor Hyderabad aerodrome be allowed to be 

^ treated as ports over which the Centre has no control. 

(b) Deccan Ainvays should not be allowed to go beyond Indian 

(c) The monopoly of Deccan Airways in and over Hyderabad 
teirilory must not be permitted. 

It would, therefore, be better if this matter be taken up at your 
level with the Hon’ble Rafi Ahmad Kldrval so that the policy can be 
determined. Otherwise his department will create difficulties. 

9. Independent International Trade Arrangements. — The Nizam’s 
Government has, with frantic speed, launched a programme- 

la) to building up reserves and stocks as soon as possible in or- 
der to face sjjy i^rt-range crisis: 

(b) to enter Into trade connections wth foreign countries by 
appointment of Trade Agents. The following zones have 
been selected: 

(1) Trade Commissioner for the Middle East Including Persia 
and. Egypt. ‘ 


(2) Trade Commissioner for the Far East Including Burma, 
Thailand and Japan. j 

(2) Trade Commissioner for Australia, Indonesia and other 
neighbouring islands. 

(4) Trade Commissioner for United Kingdom and other 
European countries. 

(5) Trade Commissioner for America including U.S.A, 
Canada and South American countries. 

icl to stco up production of exportable food surpluses by la^ng 
r° “°oi"r Less on the development of small Mgatlon 
Lurres like viells and small lanks and also conservation and 
llvlZ on of fodder. A scheme to appoint Special Omcers 
iJtaekle these problems la being considered 
to tactue in ^ order to carry out this programme, 

Mr *Lalk AU "SvUed by Mr. Ghniam Mohamed (Pakistan), has a 
Ur. Lalk AU. advised y sterling and hard currency In 

clearxmt scheme to build reM overseas The accumu- 

order to Slllons and odd sterling I 

lated reserves In Jhe Government of India, through 

understand It la " conversion of the Government of 

the Reserve Bank of IndlA secuiiUes or gold. The 

India’s sccuriUca held hP “ nave Informally agreed to this 

Gotemment of Ih^f ' ' n,Ill have sufficient sterling at 

and. If this matertallres, Hyd n jjate for the gradual utl- 

lU dUposal In U.K. U Is »» ccgulrements In O.K. 

llraUon of this raa'"', “ cSn?es to meet Its retiulrements 

and Its partial ^cmlinries NegoUallons also are said 

pf Imports from other ^ II S A Government or Banks for a 
to be afoot to ,, q A Their Agent General, presum. 

loan to meet Its imports Inara UjbA^^ ncgoUatlons with the Chase 
ably of London, has h“" ^ mMns of securing the mem- 

Bank of U.S A tonards to ,nc World Bmtfc are 

bership of InlernatlonU Moln Nawaz Jung 

at present being ban on Indian Rupee Is a part 

11 Ban on Indian Rupee sovereignty. I have now obtain 

Of lir scheme to «tabUsV^n^y‘^;^"\K>rohIbiUo^ of the In- 
ed reUable information arrangement as regards currency, 

dian Rupee is a clear .g. which clearly show that there 

I append the facts In 1870 , confirmed in 1909, 

was definite arrangement under which the free c remation 

Hyderabad Coinage Act was ^ prohibited or penalised 

SseSlSt Hyde»b^ J‘;;f^‘pSvra ganger both to the sever- 
in these matters: djhe™ ^ ^ j„gia 

eigntj and economic integmj 


iippendix ‘A’ sivins an appraisal of ihe Export & Import Position 
of Hyderabad. 

L Generally speaking Hyderabad Is surplus In the following 
commodities to the extent of the quantities shown against each: 

Foodgrains 0.50 lacs tons 

Oil and Oil Seeds .. .. 3.50 „ „ 

Cotton 3.40 bales 

Coal 4.50 „ tons 

Cement 1.30 „ „ 

Paper . . . . . . . . 0.03 „ „ 

The important commodiUes In which it is deficient and for which. 
It depends upon imports either from the rest of India or from outside 
are the following: 

Petrol 32 Lacs gallons 

Kerosene 32 '* •> 

Lubricating Oil .. .. 6.6 „ „ 

Fuel and Crude Oil .. 13.25 „ „ 

Salt 0.8 „ tons 

Gur 0.15 .. 

Cloth 0.50 „ bales (750 lacs yds.) 

General consumer goods of the value of nearly 10 crores of Hupees. 
Machinery and Plants of the value of nearly 1.60 crores of Rupees. 
Raw materials for industries of the value of 2.50 crores of Rupees. 

2. Hyderabad produces only about 1.6% and 1% respectively of 
rice and wheat production of India but about 20% of millets. It is 
surplus In millets and pulses and Is deficit in rice and wheat. But 
^vith a little effort and by utilising the existing machinery of pro- 
curement, distnbution and rationing it can be self-sufBcient in the 
matter of food. In fact several Indian Provinces and States depend 
largely on Hyderabad for pulses. It is self-sufficient in sugar although 
its quota of consumption is lower than the rest of India. It is slightly 
deficit in gur. But it can manage ^'rith proper rationing arrange- 
ments. It is deficit in salt which is an Important factor. 

3. on Seeds. — Its groundnut production is about 7 lacs tons 
being 23% of total Indian production. In castor it almost holds a 
monopoly. Us production being nearly 40,600 tons constituting 40% 
of total production of India. It also produces 45,000 tons of linseed 
being about 12% of total Indian produce. 

4. Cotton. — It is surplus in cotton to the extent of 3.40 lacs 
bales. Its total production of cotton is about 5.50 lacs bale.s const!- 
tuting 10% of the total Indian production of about 56 lacs bales. 
This is an Important bargaining factor in as much as many of the 


appendix VII fed by 

... >n ~ " “““ 

infest e=S«rrer- 

Mtaif Vr w \^’^‘^'‘ “ d «' 

^“"another l>«^eUoro?n^riy 

IljderaSffsur^^ a °jii?h ^aJdStP^rts ^J^urpb^ wnsdiut^ 

'“:: ::: 

S ® * ° „,ii, produce oUout 

a subsunlial a “S 

about 00000 tons “ jUaeral ®‘'*;;:?Hyits»s^ *’ ^'“S'S’rS^ 

a Petrol oine ^^«nce iti whicb t*y nuestion of trans* 
conlodlty ol s“-a''S‘° “ff this l“r°S'°°S,de?abad 
dependent upon uie rest o£ “dla MS „ jan taper* 

port Uian of sd'j'^'SS India tor '”2^"' esent stocKs >“ 

^oeal arrangements n a^jtseas The pr ^anths only J* 


8.““ ™™Sna lto™''™=j;lrSod transport very htu 


If ll^-iIcnbaU does not receive any imports of cloth and yam it shall 
lu\e to cut down immediately its cloth consumption by CO^. 

12. Other Consumer Goods. — Hyderabad depends upon lm> 
ports for most of its consumer goods, portlcuiarly* those imported 
(rem foreijn countries. In this commonly also, it wants arrange^ 
meat under which it can import directly. A scheme Is being pre- 
pared to build up stocks of coitsurocr goods and Introduce strict ra- 
Ucning of the present stocks with the co-operation of the dealers. 

11 Machinery and I’lant and Haw Materials for Industries.— 
llydcraiiad Is dependent upon imports for ail these commodities and 
unlir.-a reciprocal arrangement for transport is conceded, its Indus- can be throttled for want of spare parts, raw materials replace- 
ment etc. The recent purchase of spare parts on a large scale is In- 
tendo:! to bulid up the necessary reserve of spare i>arts in order to 
tide oscr any short iwriod of crisis. On the long-range basis, it U 
dlhkull to build up lij industries without reciprocity of transport for 
U'.o>e goods. 

appendix vni 

. , -t. lom from Rao Bahadur V. P. Menon, Secre* 

'■'r/Mir oVsuS o. .o M.r La.. A... 

Prime Minister of Hyderabad. 

T am desired to address you on the relations between the Gov- 
I am desirea ^ Nizam's Government, 

eminent of In -^f consider that a posiUon has been 

2. relating to the Standstill Agreement when 

reached m the dUcu ^ prevent the relations 

definite and prompt ^ ^ ^ as the security of the areas 

between the two Governments as OTI. ^ ....rmrellne f„r(b„ 

aenmie anu piuiuv* r .j ^ security of the are; 

between the .grabad border from deteriorating further, 

on both sides of the Hy careful co 

3 'fhe have bin placed before them by you 

sideraUon to the hiLlf of H E H’s Government at the 

and other have taken place since January, 1948 

various ‘discussions whi^ ^ ^ jj.g present Government 

They ^^^gVtocarry 

have failed to can j 
ment as hereinafter sww^ ^j,g easting agreements 

' • ' They have commitwd ao ^ 

aloan twenty crores to a foreign power, 

(a) by pakisun Government: 

(b) w^ppomtlne = 

ThorMve"Si' “ 2^ “• "'=‘' 

Z W KpuTa'tSt’to Shinns snsing out of the Inj,^ 
States For«s of the State Forces without 

(b) by Goimmment of India: 

(e, w SS “ “ 

the Police . .-kmg assistance from the Rar, 

(d) by s“PI’°‘’‘^ ZnJ^JZrresali-rs, functioning 1 „ 
ksrs, a Pnv^ Military and the PoUce 7, 

lahoration wiw* 

Hyderabad i^d a breach of the agreen^ 

They have “„spcct of ComuiunlcaUons by j„, “ 

and arrangemenK m re^ ^ p ^f Ai,.Z 

ing into “,f®'fSS«n.tUng « 

gr^setmg ™nout the concurrence of the Govenumj „ 

S? -ve further of^SS’^ 







(a) by making the use of Indian currency for cash trans- 
actions illegal in the State; 

(b) by banning the cqiort of gold and groundnuts, and 
other oil seeds. 

4. We have already brought these breaches to your notice in 
our discussions, but regret that so far they have not been set right 

5. H.E.H’s Government will appreciate that as soon as the 
Standstill Agreement was executed the Government of India began 
to perform an essential part of the Standstill Agreement by with- 
drawing the Indian Army stationed at Bolarum. Practically the 
whole of it had been wthdra\vn by the end of February. The Gov- 
ernment of India are also anxious to fulfil their other obligations. 
H.E.H’s Government are aware that obligations under the Stand- 
still Agreement are reciprocal. The Government of India therefore 
expect that H.E.H’s Government will fully co-operate with them by 
forthwith taking action in order to fulfil their obligations under the 
Standstill Agreement in the follotving manner, that is to say: 

(a) by withdrawing twenty crores loan notes handed over to the 
Pakistan Govemmenv, 

(b) by agreeing to a Joint Commission being appointed to exa- 
mine and determine the agreements and arrangements relat- 
ing to matters of Defence: 

(c) by furnishing a Return of the strength, organisation and 
equipment of the Police in the form in which it used to be 
done prior to August 15, 1917; 

(d) by banning the organisation of Razakars; 

(e) by repealing the Ordinance making the use of Indian Cur^ 
rency for each transaction illegal in the State; 

(f) by cancelling the ban on the export of gold, groundnuts 
and other oU seeds; and 

(g) by cancelling the agreement, if any, with the United 
Press of America as regards the transmitting and/or receiv- 
ing station for foreign news. 

C. The peculiar position of Ittehad-ul-Mussalmeen in Hydera- 
bad and of the Communists on the border causes the gravest concern 
to the Government of India. They consider that in the interests of 
peace Inside the State and on both sides of the border the Ittehad-ul- 
Mussalmeen should be banned and Its organisations wound up. If 
the acUtitles of the Ittchad are not immediately stopped, it is ap- 
prehended that a very grave situation will develop Involving the 
securitj* not only of the Hyderabad SUte, but also of the adjoining 
Provinces of C.P., Bombay and Madras. 

7. I am accordingly to request that H.E.H’s Government will 
take prompt and definite steps to fulfil their obll^lions arising out 
of the S t andstill Agreement and to ban the Ittehad as suggested. 
The Government of India will appredate a very early reply indicat- 
ing ac^on which Il.E.H. the Nizam’s Government decides to take, 
cr has taken. In respect of the various matters set out in this letter. 


Atiiia, 1Q6, 107 

Accession, lastrumeat o{, S, 6, 48, 4$, 
54, 59, 136, 157 
Accession Satyagraha, 57-58 
Ahmed, Basheer, 143 
Ahmed, Sir Sultan, 32, 5^ 60, 64, 65 
Ahmed, ^aheer, 175, 177, 200, 203 
Ahinedabad, 50, 75, 233 
Ahmednagar, 239 
AICC, 151 

Aryar, &r C P. Bamasw<Lm(, 49, 50 
Akbar, 74 

Akhand Hindustan, 4 

Ala Haarat. See Nizam 

Alt, Abdul Hasan Syed. 28, 229, 231, 243 

Ah, Akbar, 204 

AU, Mir Uik, 7, 8, 9, 11, 24. 3^ 33, 39, 
44, 53, 58, 74, 75, 76, 77. 78, 80. 81, 8^ 
83, 84. 65, 93, 96, 97, S3. 100, 102. 103, 
104, HO. m, 112, 113 116, 119, 121. 

125; 123, 124, 125. 126, 134, 135, 136, 

137, 139, 140, 142, 144, 14^ 147, 148, 

140, 160, 161, 162, 0,3, ISS. lOS, 167. 

168, 169, ITO. 171, 1T2, 173, 174, 175. 

176, 177, 178, 179, 180, 181, 184, 186, 

187, IBS, 189, 190, 191, 192, 193 194, 

197, 198, 199, 200, 201. 202. 203, 204. 

206, 207, 208, 209, 211, 213, 214, 217, 

218, 219, 220, 221, 223, 225. 226. 227. 

228, 229, 230, 23S, 244, 246, 260, tus 
njHustry, 66-72 
Ah, Mushtsq, 214 

Aligarh Muslim CTmveisity, 28, 207 
All-hidia Radie, 84, 1S6 
Amin, M P, 216 
Amnta Bazar Patnka, 144 
Andhra, 7, 86, 92, 127, 156 
Andhra Mahasabha, 87. 88 
Aney, M 23 

Ansari, Khwaza Mom^ud-Din, See 
Jang, Nawab Mom Nawaz 
Arabia, 75, 160 
Arabs, 150, 237, 240 

Army, H._ Q , 214, 241 
Aiya Samaifists), 4, 23, 24, 84, 100, 

Asaf Jahi, 11, 22, 36, 98 143, 163, 187, 
204, 231 
Aekarfi, 12 
Assam, 201, 252 

Associated Press of India, 84, 9? 
Alrafabalda, 128 
Attlee, Pnme Munster, 61. 179 
Aurangabad, 56, 241 
Ayyangar, Baja Bahadur Aravamudu, 
23, 62, 63, 97. 118, 144, 145, 231 

Bangalore. 76, 157, 158, 159, 182, 187,. 

200. 201, 244 
Bank of England, 210 
Bapu, See Gandhiji 
Banloh Satyagraha, 2 
Bardoloi, Gopinath, 252 
Baioda. 30. 44, 45, 46, 47, 54, 198, 260 
Barsi, 182, 183 
Barsj Ijgbt Railway, 169 
Barton, Sir Wilham, 15 
Begumpet, 179 

Bengal. 36, 118, 144, 148, 154, 221 
Berar, 30 

Berar, The Prince of, 13, 27, 23, 93,. 

186, 197. 201, 225, 229, 230. 231, 244 
Bevan, Aneurm, 239 
Bezwads, 83 87, 88, 92, 162 
Bhapaead-Gita. the, 107, 110, 111, 120, 
21S^ 218, 21^ 222. 223 
Bharatjiur, 47 
Bbarucha, 215 

Bhavan, Bharatiya Vldya 199, 212, 216 
Bhopal, 43, 44, 46. 47 
Bhuttc^ Sir Sh^ Nawaz, 43 
Bibrnagar, 76, 77 

Bidar, 83, 84, 129, 130, 150, 178, 191, 244 
Bikaner. 44, 46, 47, 54. 260 
Bindu. 85. 137 
Btrb, G. B 203 



Bismark, 44 

Bolarum, 5, 7, S, 9, 61, 73, 104, 110, 
125, 158, 173, 196, 199, 204, 226, 23(^ 
249, Munsbi's Life there, 116-120 
Bombay, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8. 23, 47. 50. 67, 7^ 
76, 83, 85, 86, 87, 96, 100, 105, 115, 
117, 124, 134, 134 145, 151, 152, 159, 
162, 178, 180, 182, 183. 184, 197, 
198, 200, 210, 239, 245, 247, 243 
Bombay High Court, 5 
Bombay Legislative Couacil, 2 
Bombay Life Assuraoce Company, 7. 

British 1, 2, 19. 20, 21. 22, 24, 27. 31, 
34, 35, 44, 45, 50, 52. 55. 60, 63, 87, 
88, 89, 137, 153, 175, 176, 215, 214 
217. 235, 237, 240, 256. 257, 253 
Britter, 140, 143, 144 
BrowD, Douglas, 211, 212, 215 
Buch. N. M.. 197. 199, 207, 208, 212, 
215, 216, 245 

Bucher, GeQeral, 165, 237, 239 
Bundi, 47 

Cabinet Mission, 30, 33 
Calcutta, 6, 127, 137 
Campbell-Johnson, Alan, 35, S3, 104 ^ 
151, 165, visits Hyderabad, 157-164 
Canada, 115 
Cannanore, 89 
Ceded Districts, 144 
•Central Provinces, 113, 117, 124, 134, 

•Chandrachud, 198 
Chandy, 205 

■Chaudhuri, Major Goicral, 158. 224 
229. 230, 234, 240, 242, 244, 245 
Chhatari. The Nawab of, 30, 34 34 
59, 61, 64, 69, 246, his delegation, 
51-54 59, 60, 62, 63, 64, 65 
•Chhattisgarb, 50 
Chintamani, Sir C. Y., 23 
•Chittagong, 115 
Chittod, 46 
■Churchill, 153 
Circars, 36 
•Cochin, 44 

Collateral Letters, See Standstill 

Commons, House of, 239 
CommunUt Crimes in Hiiderobod, 12S 
Communist Parties of China, Burma, 
Malaya and Indonesia, 127 
Communist Party of Great Britain, 87 
Communist Party of Hyderabad, 87, 
127, 154 

Communist Party of India, 19, 27, 86, 
87. 88, 89, 92, 127, 155 
Communlstsfm), 34 54 75, 77, 82, 
84 121, 127. 128, 129, 134 134, 137, 
134 139, 153, 154, 155, 156. 164. 
164 172, 184, 185, 201, 207, 215, 239, 
251, 252, 254, 261, on the move, 

Comrades' Association, 86 
Congress, Indian National, 4, 24 30, 31, 
34 42, 43, 44, 45, 72, 75, 74 80, 85, 86, 
87, 88, 89, 90, 92, 105, 106, 133, ISI. 194 
200, 204, 217, 225, 247, 257, 259 
• Conservative Party, British, 33, 35, 61i 

ConsUtuent Assembly, 1, 2, 4, 31, 33, 
43, 44, 58, 69, 114 252, 253 
Constitution of India, 127, 253, 255 
CorSeld, Sir Conrad, 34, 43, 45 
Colton, Sydney, 39, 150, 184, 202, 213, 
214, 216 • 

C. P- See Central Provinces 
C. R., See Bajagopalachari 
Crown Representative, See Viceroy 
Czechoslovakia, 34 75 

Dally Express, 211 
Daily Meezan, 154, 204 209 
Daily News, 148 
Daily Telegraph, 211, 212 
Dakthina Sadan, 73, 83. 93, 94, 94 94 
94 100, 102, 110, 114, 116, 119, 137, 
1^ 160, 181, 204 215, 218, 219, 227, 
228 232, 243, 244, 217. 248 
Dar-us-Salam, 39, 140 
Ceccan. 5, 20, 24 37, 46, 61, 64 68, 
74 78. 89, 114 114, 121, 123, 133, 135. 
140, 141, 154 1S4 159, 163, 176, 201, 
2Si, 259, 261 
Deccan Airways, 75, 115 
Deccan Chronicle, 145 



eccan Hoiuf, S^e Sedan 

eendars, 22^ 40, 41 

e{eQC« of Hyderabad Regulations, 22 
ehra Dun, 352, 370 
Jelhi (New), 1, 3. 4, 5 6, 7, 8, 35, 36; 
38, 47, 49, SO, SI, 54, SO, 59, 61, 62, 
63, 64, 66, 67, 68, 71, 79, 84, 85. 103, 
104, 108, 110, IIS, 118, 119, 120, 122, 

124, 126, 133, 137, 139, 140, 141, 142, 

143, 144, 145, 146, 149, 151, 155, 156, 

157, 158, 159, 160, 161, 162, 163, 165, 

167, 168, 170, 171, 172, 173, 174, 375, 

179, 180, 181, 188, 189, 190. 191, 197. 

200, 202, 208, 214, 215. 218, 223, 227, 

229, 230. 232, 235, 238. 238, 245, 247, 

2S1, 259 

Desai, C C , 4, 51, 104 
Desai Morarii, 117, 159, 212 
Deval Devi, 119, 187, 205. 206, 207, 211, 

Dholpur, 47 

Dhoot, 151, 203, 20S, 214 
Dungarpur, 47 
Durgada^, 200 

Eastern States, 50 
Eden, Sir Antony, 239, 240 
Edwards, Rev W Le Cato, 184, 185, 
203, 214, 238 
Egypt, 114, 180, 202 

El-Edroos, General, 33. 55, 62. 63. 75, 
138, 161, 181, 18^ 183, 184, 186. 191, 
197, 193, 200, 201, 206, 211, 212, 220; 
225, 223, 229. 230, 231, 234, 240 
England, 33, 82, 88, C9 118, 133, U8, 
157, 168, 17^ 177, 183, 184, SOO, 206. 
212, 213 238, 239 

Farouk, King, 216 
Federation, AU'India, 21 
Free Press Joumol, 145, 205, 206 
Fry, 214 

G, 206 

Gadgil, 107, 108 

Caekwad, Sir Pratap Smgh, 1S8, 193, 205 
Gaekwad, Sir Sayaji Rao, 198 

Candh], Devadas, IDS, ]10 
Candhiji, 1, 2, 3, 6. 20. 30, 43, 46, 79, 
80, 68. 90, 103, 104, 105, 110, 111, lU, 
136, 148, 244. 251, 252, 258, tbe great 
martyrdom, 105-109 
Ganeriwal, Laxminivas, 96, 120, 161, 
198, 203. 204, 205, 206 
Gaiigapur. 162 
Ghoslv Sudbir, 6, 7 
Cila, See Bhagavad^Chta 
Goa, 32, 33, 75, 179, 226, 242 
Godavan, 92, 127 
Goddard, General, 158 
Gorta, 131, 132, 162 
Government of India Act, 1919, 19 
Government of India Act, 1935, 20, 21, 

Govemor-General, 22, 23, 25, 52, 55, 
59. 88. 123, 148. 157, 161, 189, 191, 
ns, 226. 230. 242, 256 
Crah^, Colons} 183, 184 
Gujarat. 128, 119 
Guntur, 92, 127 
Gupta, L N. 7, 212 
Gw&lior, 54 
Gyankumari, 197 

Habib, 207. 219, 220 
Hakimpetlt Aerodrome, 9, 56 
Hareidj. Qamir, 213 
Hampi, 40 

Hasan, Prof Had). 207, 209. 212 
lleda, Srunati Cyan Kuman, 110 

HejarV 202 

Herbert 56 

Hsamatsialiji, Alajor General, 324, 

Hindu, 84. 8^ 87 
Hindu Civil Zabertiee Uoios, 23 
Hindu JtZahasablia. 22, 240, 148 
Hindustan 21mee, 24^ 244 
Hissamuddin, Mohammad, 243 
Hiller. 27 

Home Rule league, 49, 54, 217 
Husaut, &aatn, 54 
Hussain, Dildar, 93 
Hussein, 223 

Hydari, Sir Akbar, 21. 22, 23, 24, 25 
27, 187 

Hydmbad Construction Company, 24 


Hyderabad Gazette, 22 
H]?denibad in Refroipeet, 26, 32, 49, 
54, 56, 99-101, 188 
Hyderabad Residency, 5, 7, 8 
Hyderabad’* Relation* with the 

Dominion of India, 56 
Hyderabad State Congress, 6, 7, 19, 
22, 24, 28, 30, 31, 57, 58, 70, 77, 85, 
86, 87, 89, 90, 91. 94, 97, 114, 125. 128, 
137, 139, 144, 147, 154, 162, 184, 231 
Hyderabad Students' Association, 87 

Ibrahim, 241 
Imam, Sir Ali, 19 
Imroze, 98, 204 

India, The Government of, 1, 4, 27, 37, 
42. 48, S3. 54, 56, 58, 59, 61, 64, 63, 
67, 68, 78, 79. 80. 81, 84, 90. 93. 112, 
113, 115, 121. 122, 123. 126, 133. 134. 

135, 136, 138. 140. 141, 143. 146. 151, 

152, ISS, 154, 156, 160, 161, 163, 164, 

169, 171, 174, 180, 188. 190, 193, 195, 

196, 202, 206. 207, 208, 215, 218. 225. 

226, 231, 233, 235, 237, 238, 248, 250. 


Indian Espretg, 145 

Indian Independence Act, (BiU) the, 
33, 34, 52 
Indian Nation, 32 

India's Agent-General, 4, 7, 8, 9, lih 
11, 18, 73, 80, 84, 100, 104, 114, 116, 
118, 120, 123, 124, 139, 145, 146. 160, 

227, 245, 247, 248, 249, 250 
Indore, 47 

Integration of Indion State*,, The Story 
of the 33, is, 47, 115 
International Coiirt, 174 
Iraq, 75, 180 
Irwin, Lord, 25 

Ismail, Sir Mirra, 30, 31, 32, 33, 39, 88, 
98, 157, 188, 189. 190, 191, 19^ 200, 
210, 211, 213, 226, 228, 231, 244 
Italia, 209 

Ittehad-uI-Mussulmeen, 5, 6, 8, 9, 10, 
19, 20, 22. 24, 25. 26, 27, 28, 29, 31, 
32, 37, 38, 39, 44, 55. 56, 57, 58, 63, 64, 
65, 67, 68, 69, 70, 73, 74, 75, 76, 77, 781 
82, 87. 95. 97, 93. 99. 101, 114, 116, 

119, 121, 122, 123, 130, 134, 135, 140, 

144, 145, 148, 149, 152. 153, 154, 153, 

160, 162, 165, 166, 168. 170, 171, 172, 

174, 175, 177, 180, 181, 189, 190, 191, 

ty>, 193, 204, 206, '209, 227, 229, 231, 

2351, 237, 241, 251 

Iyengar, 199, 200, 201, 205 
Iyengar, Sir N. Gopalaswami, 201, 202 
Iyer, Sir P. S. Sivaswamt, 23 

Jagdish, 182 

Jagrr/g, Jagirdars, 16, 94 
Jah, Basalat, 197 

Jah, Muazzam, 13, 93, 186, 193, 197 

Jaipur. 30, 44, 45, 47, 260 

Jaisalmer. 46, 47 

Jalna, 70, 178 

Janmabhoomi, 83 

Jayakar, 47 

Jhanst, 119 

Jinnah, 4, 15, 26, 33, 35. 43. 46, 54. 55. 

68. 69. 81, 175, 200, 206. 217, 235, 238 
Jivraj, Dr., 107 
Jodhpur. 44, 46, 47, 260 
Joshi. 70. 71, 72, 74. Ill, 178, 179, 201, 

Junagadb, 1, 48, 181 
Jung, Bahadur Yar, 19, 20, 22, 26, 27, 
28. 70 

Jung, Manzur, 204 

Jung, Nawab Ali Yawar, 27, 32, 49, 
5h 55j 56, 59; 60, 67, 99, 101, 188, 
197, 205, 221 

Jung, Hawab Deen Yar, 33, 39, 94, 93, 
99, 136, '148, '189, 191, 197, 198, 204. 
205. 206, 208, 211, 213, 225, 226, 229, 
231. 243 

Jung, Nawab Hosh Yar, 33, 94, 98, 99, 
136, 157, 183. 189, 190 
Jung, Nawab Manzur, 93 
Jung, Nawab Moin Nawaz, 21, 32, 23, 
39, 53, 55, 63, 65, 70. 74, 80, 81. 82, 
93. 110. 113, 115, 121, 123, 126, 136, 
!«, 165, 168, 198, 200, 206, 213, 216, 
229, 244, 260, leads delegation, 67, 
68, 69 

Jung, Nawab Zain Yar, 165, 180, 189. 
190, 191, 208, 231 

Jung, Sir Mehdi Yar. 16, 63, 69, 101 



Jung, Sir Salar, 14, 93 
Jung, Zul Qadar, 203, 204, 205, 208, 209, 
213, 243 

Kafur, Malik, 119, 206 
Kamala Devi, 118 
Karachi, 68, 115, 179 
Karan, Ra]a Mehboob, 201, 225 
Kashmii, 1, 9, 39, 43, 47, 48, 135, 156, 
201, 213, 235 236 
Kathiawad, 44, 47, 48, 50 
Khahja, 24 

Khalji, Sultan Ala-ud-din, 118, 119, 

TfV,»n Bahadur, See Jung, Bahadur 

Khan, Liaquat All, 242 
Khan, Mahmud Nawaz, 19 
Khan, SheobuUah, 98, 204, 205, 206 
KhusraUi Sultan, 119, 206 
Khusru, Amir, 119 
Kinoiotiia of Yesterday, 21, 34 
King Kothi, 11. 12. 13. 33. 62. 94. 9^ 
98. 136, 215, 227. 223. 230. 243. crisis, 

Kodada. 214, 215 
Kotah, 47 
Krishna, 92, 127 
Knshnamacharj, Sir V. T, 45 
Krishnaswanii, 196, 218, 220, 222 
Kumaon Regiment, 196, 219 

l^abour Government, 44, 157, 179 
Lata, 212, 215 
Latur, 28 

Lawyers’ Vigilance CommitUe, 131 

use and Work of Sardar Vallabhbfwl 
Patel, 42. 43. 45 
London. 35, 68. 179. ISO, ^ 

London Tunes, 140, 143, 1*4 
Lnthian, Sir Arthur, 21, 34 
Lucknow, 119 

Madhj-a Pradesh. See Central Pro- 

mSI:? 7. 25. 36.89 92. 9^10^^ 

U7. 124. 127. 133, 134. 145. 1*7. 

Uajumdar, Dr. R. C, 6 
Makalla, ISO 
Malabar, 89 

Ualikanunappa, 70, 178 
Mamben, 107 
M^u, 106, 107 
Mari^pa, 158, 159 
Martin, Kingsley, 153 
Maulana Saheb, 107 
mat; 203, 204, 206, 208, 213 
Medak. 184, 185 
Afeezan, See Daily Meezan 
Melkote, 7, 85, 137 

Menon, V P, 3, 4. 5, 33 45, 47, 49, 50, 
51, 61, 62, 78, 104, 105, 106, 115, 117, 
121, 124. 12S, 133, 134, 135, 139, 146. 
165. 166, 169. 170, 206, 208, 209, 214, 
216, 219. 245, 250 
Muza. Sir, See Ismail 
Misra, D P > 117 

Mission toxih Tlleuntbatfen, 53, ISl, 160 
Milter, Sir B I*. 45 
Modi, Sohrab, 210 
Moghul Empire, 15, 256, 258, 260 
Moghuls, 15, 36 

Mohi-ud-Din. Mokhdiun. 88, 153 
Monckton, Sir Walter, 5, 33, 3t 3o, 
51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 58. 59, 60. 61. 62. 64, 
61. €8. 69. 78. 113. 123, 136. 14i 157, 
168. 169, 170. 171, 173. 174. 175, 176. 
18T, 188, 202, 205. his formula. 1*6- 
150,’ 161 

Worarji, Desai, See Dcsal 
35. 45, 46, 49, 50. 51, 52. 5^ 

58. 59. 60, 61, 62, 63. 64. 67. ’6. 

78. 107 123, 124, 125, 133, 139, 142, 
14T. 148, 151. 157, 160. 161, 16^ 1^ 
16ft 16T, 168, I®. 170, 171. 172, 187, 
16S, IS9, 191. 192. 193. 202. 206, 228, 
236, leases India, 173-lSO 
Mountballea Plan. The- =3 
Mudabar. Sir A. Ramasu-ami, 204, 212, 

U«dra BaUJiaia. 95 
' Muhammad. ChuUm. 2L A 62 
MulU Movement. 19. 29 



MuDshi, K. is asked to go ta 
Hyderabad 1-5, as Member of the 
Bombay Legislative Council, 2, as 
Home Minister of Bombay, 2, 4, 23. 
100, in Yeravada Jail, 2, as Member 
of the Constituent Assembly, 2, 4, 
consultations in Delhi, 4-6, inter- 
views in Bombay, 6, selecting stafi, 
6-9, as Chairman of the Bconbay 
Life Assurance Company, 7, 6^ 
accommodation problem, 7, 8, recep- 
tion at Hyderabad, 9, 10, meets the 
Nizam, 11, 12, his part in formation 
of Rajasthan Union, 46-47, assesses 
the situation in Hyderabad 73-77, 
reception, 74, assesses his duties, 
70-80, negotiates with Laik AU 
and Moin Nawaz Jung, 80-82 diffi- 
cult leporting, 82-85, like Sita in 
Ashoka Vana, 93-94, 211 breaking 
the ring-fence, 95-102, as Pood 
Minister, 93, meets Isiik AU, 112-113, 
his life at Bolarum. 116, 120, writes 
to Lalk Ali, 122-123, becomes persona 
non grata, 125, plot to remove him, 
139-140, on trial, 142-145, explains 
position to A.I.C.C. and foreign jour- 
nalists, 151-153, Is plotted against 
158-159, is Ignored. 160-161, has the 
strangest talk with Laik AU. 167- 
168, feels unhappy about concessions 
by Delhi. 172, bids fareweU to Lord 
Mountbatten, 175-176, misses a 
heart-beat, 182, advises I^ik Ali. 
192-194, worried about staff safety, 
195-197, anxieties and discussions, 
198-203, feverish, 203, 208, 224, 225, 
243, 245, prize offered for his dispo- 
sal, 204, aU-nigbt thinking of 
Mummy, 205, alarm, 205, beseiged, 
219-221, life threatened, 222-224, 
advises Nizam, 228-230, broadcasts, 
231-232, illness, 245-247, disappmnt- 
ments, 248-253, pulls the cortain 
down, 254-261 

Munshi, Snmatl Lilavati, 116, 117, 197, 
199, 205, 207, 211, 212, 213, 214, 215, 
216, 218, 223, 244, 246, 249, 252 
Musi, 3, 8 

hbjslun League, 4, 42, 43, 80, 237, 259 
Mussoorie, 158, 166 
My Public Li/e, 30, 31, 32, 157 
Mysore, 30, 54, 158, 205, 239, 260 

Nagas, 201 

Naidu, Dr., 96, 116, 243, 244 
Naidu, Srimati Sarojini, 17, 96, 116 
Naldurg, 222, 225. 240 
Nalgonda, 27, 76, 83, 86, 87, 91, 92. 127, 
128, 129, 164, 185, 254 
Nanai, 183, 184 

Nanda, Major, 103, 199, 200, 201, 248 
Narayanrao, 84, 179 
Narendraji, Pandit, 200 
Nawanagar, Jamsaheb of, 44, 47, 50, 

Nazar-i-Ba0h, 12, 13 
NMOra. 12, 16 

Nehru, Pandit Jawaharlal, 6, 30, 39, 
43, 55. 58, 62, 78, 87. 89, 90, 106. 107. 

109. 114, U6, 127, 128, 134, 135, 147. 

144. 145, 146. 147, 148, 162, 166, 169. 

170. 171, 174, 179, 131, 187, 188, ZOO, 

214, 227, 232, 236, 242. 245, speaks. 

New .Ststesman and Nation, 153 
Nizam, The 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9. 10, 11-18, 
19, 21. 31. 32, 33, 34, 35, 36, 37. 38, 

39. 40, 41, 44, 51, 52, 53, 55, 56, 57, 

58, 59. 60, 61, 62, 63, 64, 73, 74, 76, 

77. 78, 79, 81, 82, 83, 88, 90, 91, 93, 

95, 96, 97, 98, 99, 100, 101, 102, HO. 
Ill, 112, 114, 115, 116, 119, 121, 122, 

125, 126, 123, 133, 134, 135, 137, 139, 

140, 142, 143, 144, 146, 147, 148, 149. 

151, 152, 153, 154, 155, 157, 159, 160. 

161, 162, 163, 167, 168, 170, 171, 172, 

173, 174, 175, 176, 178, 179, 180, 184, 

186, 187, 189, 192, 193, 194, 197, 198. 

200, 202, 203, 204, 205, 206, 207, 208, 

209. 210, 211, 213, 214, 215, 216, 219. 

220, 222, 225, 226, 227, 228, 233, 234, 

236, 237, 238, 240, 241, 242, 243, 244, 

246, 247, 249, 251, 254, 255, 256, 260, 

his stand. 1, playing for high stakes, 
3, his family, fortunes and fads, 12- 
14, his political technique, 14-16> 
condition of his subjects, 1^18, his 
intrigues 33-35, his visions of n 

Third Dominion, 34-35 flirtations 
with Delhi, 58-64 submits to Razvi, 
65, threatens to accede to Pakistan, 
67, feels uneasy, 68, signs Standstill 
Agreement, 69, surrenders to the 
Ittehad, 69-70, his espionage system. 
94-95, isolated, 136, realises posi- 
tion, 188, the storm breaks on hts 
head, 189-191, be goes under, 191, 
IS desolate, 228, befriends Munjii, 
229, broadcasts to his people, 230~ 
231, announces to the world, 246 
Niramabad, 76, 77 
ffizam’s Gazette, 143 
Niram’s Subjects’ League, 21 
North German Confederation, 44 
North India, 36, 76, 112 

Orissa, 7, 103, 196 
Osmanabad, 183 
Osroania Uruversity, 25, 26, 255 
Ottoman Empire, 15 
Oxford Uruversity, 206 

Pakutan, IS, 32, 33. 37. 39. 40. f . 

46 47, 48, 49, 60, 61, 63. 

72 75, 80, 81, 82, 107, US, 124, IM, 
137, ISO, 155, 158, 163, 174. 180. 

202, 209, 214, 216, 217, 235, 236, 238, 
242, 251, 252, 259 
Pandit, Mrs 216 
Panditji, See Nehru 
Panigiri, 184, 185 
Pamkkar, Sardar K. M , 46 
Panna, 46, 47 

Pant, Pandit Govind Ballabh, 238 
Parbhani, 178 
parchotn, 189 

SSioT 1. *2. « “ 

Partiyal, 147 

Patel, Dr Nathubhai D. 245 
P.m H M, 108, 199, 210. 

Pflfel Sardar VaUabhbhai, 1, 2. J, *. 
7 « 39 51 52. 53, 55. 58. 59, 61. 62. 
% a % n. 73. TO 79, 80, 93. 103 
Si, 105, 106, 107, 108, 109, ITO JTO 
lift 117, 120, 121. 124. 125. 

166, 167, 168, 169, 170, 172, 177, 178, 

181, 189, 194, 195, 196, 198, 199, 200, 

203, 208, 209, 210, 212, 213, 214, 215, 

21^ 217, 218, 219, 236, 237. 238, 
239, 242, 243, 244, 245 248, 249, 250, 
251, 252, 253, his cheso board. 42-50, 
advises Razvi, 71-72 
Pathak, 205 
Pathans, 183 
Patiala, 44, 54 

Peacock Airborne Division, 75, 180, 
217, 244 
PJ:PSU, 181 
Persian, 207 
Picture Pott, 205 
Pioneer, 180 

Pitlie, Pannalal, 96, 147, 151, 198, 205, 
216, 229. 231, 243 

Pleaders’ Protest Committee, 85, 215 
Police Action, 73, 78, 98, 117, 164, 220- 

Poona, 159, 196, 200, 214. 216, 240 

Portugal, 33 

Potter, 211 

Praka^ Sri, 242 

Prakasam. 89 

Frasada, Krishna, 245 

Pratap, Rana, 47 

Princes, Chamber of, 43, 44, 54 

Pnlhvi Vbllabfi, 210 

Pnvy Council, 5 

Pyarelal, 107, 108 

Qible. Hazarat Maulana Siddiq Deen- 
dar Cbazina Basaweswar, 40, 41 
QuadrI. Prof, 206 

Ra^upati, 7, 8, 9, 103, 116 
Rahbar. 22 

ftahizn, Abdur, 29, 55, 63, 65, 67, 69, 70 
Bajagopalachari, 189, 191, 197, 201, 204, 
205, 208, 210, 213, 215, 21S, 226, 227 
230. 231. 242, 243 ’ 

Baiajh See Rajagopalacharl 
Bajasthan. 46, 260 

Rajendrusinhji, General, 200, 23o, 245 



Raju, M. T, 7, 103, 199, 205, 209, 212, 

Ramachar, 22. 28. 70, 74, 76. 77, 85, 120, 
151, 214, 229, 231, 243, 247 
Ramichand, Captain, 206 
Rampet, Raja of, 207 
Ramsmgh, 216 
Randive, P. T,, 90 
Rao, B. N., 212 

Rao, B. Raraakrishna, 22, 85, 120, 137, 
144, 151, 247 

Rao, M. Ramachandra, 139 
Rao, Narsingh, 28 
Rao, N. K,, 200, 207, 208 
Rao, Rama, 196, 220 
Rao, Sripat, 211 

Ruhtrapati Hitavam, See Bolanim 

Rashtriya Swayam Sevak Sangh 
(RB£.), 123, 148 
Rasool, Ghulant, 209 
Ray, Sir P. C., 23 

Razakaia, The, 1, 37, 38, 39. 40, 41. 57. 
58, 59, 61, 64, 70, 72, 74, 75, 7^ 77, 79, 
80, 82, 83, 84, 85, 90, 91, 92, 93, 110, 
117, 120, 121, 122, 123, 124, 125, 126. 
127, 128, 129, 130, 133, 134, 135. 136, 
140, 143, 144, 146, 147, 148, 150, 151. 
152. 153, 154, 158, 159, 161, 162. 163, 
164, 165, 167, 168, 169, 171. 180, 182. 
183, 184, 185, 188, 189, 191, 192. 193. 
195, 198, 201, 204, 207, 210. 211, 214, 
215, 217, 218, 220, 221, 223, 225. 226, 
228, 230, 232, 236, 237, 238. 239, 240, 
241, 243, 244, 246, 251, 254, 255, 260. 
their tempo, 110-115 
Razvi, Kasim, 2, 5, 6, 8. 28, 29, 32, 33. 
54, 55, 68, 70, 71, 73, 74. 83, 85, 93. 
95, 97. 110, 114, 122, 125, 135, 136, 
137, 140, 146, 147, 161, 16^ 163, 167, 
178, 183, 184, 187, 191, 192, 197, 201, 
204, 206, 207, 208, 209, 217, 221, 225, 
223, 233, 234, 240, 244, 246, 259. 261, 
his rise, 36-41, wins, 57-66 chooses 
delegation, 67, proposes Laik All as 
Prime Minister, 69, sees Sardar, 71- 
72, his mystery speech, 138-145, 
MujaMd-e-Asam, 148 
Reading, Lord, 14, 19 
’ Reddiar, O. P. Ramaswamy, 7, 117 

Reddy, Narayana, 86, 87, 153, 164 
Reddy, Pingle, Venkataiama, 7, 55, 62, 
67, 68, 69, 70, 187, 193, 214 
Reddy, Pulla, 212 
Reddy, Ranga ISl 
Red Fort. 36. 163 

Resident, (British), 7, 14, 15, 34, 56, 
73, 79, 85, 95, 203, 210. 256 
Rewa, 44 

Round Table Conferences 20 
Roy, Dr. Bidhan Chandra, 118 
R. S. M., 215 
Russia, 27, 87, 90 

Saggi, P. D., 42, 43. 45 
Salisbury, Lord, 240 
Sanpam. 110, 112 
Sangh*, 88 
Sanjeevi, 200, 201 
Sat^eaxanarayanaxt, 215 
Sarala. 199 

Sardar, See Patel, Sanlar Vallabhbhai 
Sari-i-Khes, 12, IS, 26. 255 
Eatyaproho, 4, 20, 23. 24, 86. 89, 90 
Sau^akttra, see Xathiawad 
Scott, Claude, 152, 213. 214 
Secunderabad, 5, 7. 9, 56, 58, 73, 74. 
76. 81, 83, 85, 93, 103, 110, U9, 136. 
210, 214, 226. 227, 228, 230, 232, 240, 
243, 244, 248, 254 

Security Council, See United Nations 
Setaivad, Motilal, 212 
Shah, Bahadur, 233 
SkakuntaU, 207, 212, 213 
Shankar. 71 

Shastri, 97, 142, 143, 144, 209, 217 
Sheth, Amritlal, 83, 84 
Sholapur, 4, 23, 138, 159, 162, 182, 183, 

Shridharani, Dr., 144 
Siddiq, See Qible 
Singh, Brigadier, 183 
Singh, Major Randhir, 116, 196, 198, 
199, 201, 206, 216, 217. 219, 220, 221, 
223, 227, 248, 249 
Singh, Sardar Baldeo, 103, 153 
Sin^ Bahadur, Sir Bhupal, 46 
Sisha, Satyanarayan, 203 
Sita Devi. 193 



Sociabsts, 127 

South-East Asian Youth Conierencc, 

Stahn, 89 

Standstill Agreement, 1, 4, 9, 48, 49, 
62. 63, 64, 66, 67. 68, 69. 74, 75. 78, 
79, 81. 110, 111, 113, 115, 121, 124, 
125, 228, 129, 234. 136 146, 147. 355 
172, 174, 176, 202, 203, 215 
States Forces Scheme, 121, 146, 149 

Stales Muusfjy, 4, 6, 7, 45, 50, 80, 106. 
123, 124, 133, 139, 146, 162, 186. 197, 
199, 201, 205, 207, 214. 229. 238. 24« 
249, 250 

States Peoples' Conference, 30 
Suhah-«*D«cean, 27 
Sukhtankar, Dr 245 
Sundar, Sham, 143 

Taleyarkhan, Komi, 33 
Taluq, Taluqdcr, 16 
Taajore, 89 

Taqi-ud>Din, Syed, 29, 32, 39 
Tai^er, Sir Theodore, 16 
Tata Sons Ltd, 115 
Tatachari, 215 
Telengana, 92, 137 
Time, 211 

Titnea of India, 152 
Tixtha, Swami Ramananda, 7, 57, 70, 
74, 85, 90, 125, 168. 225, 231 233 
243, 245. 247 
Trans'jOidan, 202 
Travancore, 49 
Trimulgherry, 118 
Tughlaks, 119 
Turkey, 15 

Udaipur, 44, 46, 47, 230 
UdgiT. 206 
Ukraine, 90 

United Front, 90-92, 123 

United Kingdom, 34, 44, 55, 56, 58, 61, 
69, 11^ 127, 137, 15^ 186 
United Nations Organization, 90, 133, 
17i ISO, 188, ISO, 200, 201, 202, 203, 
204, 208, 210. 212, 213, 216, 229, 231, 
233. 234, 244, 246 
United Press of America 134 
United Press of India, 84, 97 
United States of America 56, 58, 115, 
127, 137, 180 
Uttar Pradesh, 96, 238 

Vaiidpaity, Raja of, 94, 201, 206 212 
Vaitde MaUiTam, 25, 26 
Venkatachar, C S, 46 
Venkatarao, 70, 97, 130 142, 143, 162 
VeoJcatavardhan, 103, 209, 216 248 
Viceroy, 14, 25, 49, 50 
Vijayanagar, 40 
Vijayawada, See Besivada 
Vinayaktao, 214 
V P, See Menon 

W— , 197. 198. 201, 207, Ol, 216 
Wsghray, Colonel 95, 96 
Warangal 76, 83, 86, 87, 91, 92, 127, 
129, Kl, 164, 254 
'Weapons Week*, 140, 143 
Wellesley, Lord, 119 
Weston, Lt-Col, 183 
Whitekar, Bishop, 202 
‘While Man’s Burden*. 34 
White Paper on Hyderabad, 14, 134 
WiUingdon, lArd, 13 
Windsor, Duke bl, 5 
Windsor Place, 4 

Y— , 216 

Young, Desmond, IBO, 213